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THE RISEN SUN 



THE RISEN SUN 



BY 



(BARON' SUYEMATSU.ViScovjA,^ V(«lw.U 



NEW YORK 

E. P. BUTTON & CO 

1905 



K\ 



.St 



butler & tanner, 

The Selwood Printing Works, 

frome, and london. 



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I 






Contents 



Preface and Dedication 



S^ 



PAGE 

vii 



93 



CHAP. 



BOOK I 



ANTECEDENT TO THE WAR 



I An Anglo- Japanese View of the Far-Eastern 

Question ....... 3 

II Japan and Russia . , . . . . 15 

III How Russia brought on War, i 898-1900 . . 36 

IV How Russia brought on War, i 901- 1903 . . 64 
V First Hostilities. Japan and the Commencement 

OF the War ....... 92 



BOOK II 
A NATION IN TRAINING 

I The Introduction of Western Civilization into 

Japan ..... 
II Legal Status of Foreigners in Japan 

III Moral Teaching in Japan . 

IV The Japanese Character 
V The Making of a Soldier in Japan 

VI Woman's Education 



105 
112 
119 
130 
144 
15s 



CONTENTS 

CHAP. PAGE 

VII Hara-kiri: Its real Significance . . . 163 

VIII The Police System of Japan . . . .171 

IX The Ethics of Japan . . . . • i77 

X Religions of Japan . . . . . • i95 

XI Arts and Letters . . . . . - 208 

XII The Great Change in Japan .... 239 

XIII His Majesty the Emperor, Ruler and Poet . 248 



BOOK III 
EXTERNAL RELATIONS 

I Chinese Expansion Historically Reviewed. . 269 

II Japan and France ...... 298 

III Japan and a "War Indemnity . . . .312 

IV Treatment of Prisoners and Wounded by the 

Japanese. . . . . . . . 317 

V An Answer to certain Unfair Charges against 

Japan . . . . . . . . 329 

VI East and West after the War . . . . 336 

Epilogue ........ 342 

Index . . 347 



\i 



Preface and Dedication 

I LEFT Japan for Europe on the loth of February, 1904, 
namely, less than two days after the outbreak of the 
Russo-Japanese war ; partly for recuperation of my health 
after a long ailment, and partly in order to do whatever 
I could in the West for promotion of good-will between 
the Western nations and my fatherland at this momentous 
hour of war. 

The day after my departure from Yokohama, on board 
the lyo-Maru, Nippon- Yushen-Kwaisha steamship, namely 
February the nth, happened to be one of our three national 
festive days, and it was celebrated on board the steamer. 
I made a speech in English on that occasion, which was 
followed by two more somewhat similar celebrations before 
we arrived at Victoria, on which I made corresponding 
speeches. While passing through America I gave my views 
on the situation to many American interviewers, and my 
observations were reported in the papers. Since my arrival 
in Europe I have continued to give my views to numerous 
interviewers and have made speeches. Most of these views 
and speeches, though necessarily in curtailed forms, have 
been reported widely in Continental as well as in English 
papers — indeed, all over the world. I have also contri- 
buted, sometimes by request and sometimes voluntarily, 
many articles and letters both to English and also to 
Continental Reviews. 

vii 



PREFACE AND DEDICATION 

The majority of these articles and letters, together with 
some of my speeches and addresses which have been written 
out, have been recently compiled by my secretaries in book 
form, and this volume is the result. This has been done 
because there are many friendly persons who take much 
interest in my writings and who have earnestly recom- 
mended me to collect them, on the ground that they may 
be of some use to many people who take interest in the war, 
and in things Japanese in general. I shall be most grateful 
if the prediction of these friends should prove to be well 
founded. 

I have divided the resulting papers roughly into three 
books. Those in Book I deal with the inception of the 
situation of crisis in the Far East and the commencement of 
the war. Those in Book II are more general in character, 
and endeavour to explain, among other things, that 
reserve of vital energy in resistance to aggression for 
which the Japanese nation has been indebted to its tempera- 
ment and its moral and intellectual training. The papers . 
in Book III are mainly concerned with ulterior views 
as to the relations of the Japanese Government with 
foreign Powers, the question of the indemnity, and other 
matters of speculation that have arisen in regard to the 
course which destiny has traced for Japan in the history 
of Asia. 

. For this arrangement, I am wholly indebted to the valu- 
able suggestion of Messrs. Archibald Constable. As to the 
title of the book, too, I have accepted the suggestion from 
the same source, though somewhat with diffidence. In 
completing the task of combining several articles, written 
separately at different times, in book form, some slight alter- 
ation and revision of the original was thought necessary. 
That part of the work has been entirely undertaken by 

viii 



PREFACE AND DEDICATION 

Messrs. Constable, with my complete approval and satis- 
faction. 

My sincere thanks for the permission to reprint these 
articles and addresses are due to the Society of Arts, the 
Ethological Society, the. Central Asian Society, and to the 
proprietors and editors of different periodicals, and of the 
book entitled " Japan by the Japanese," in which the 
originals appeared. I may mention, among others, the 
names of the Nineteenth Century and After, the Independent 
Review, the Fortnightly Review, the Imperial and Asiatic 
Quarterly Review, La Revue, and the Deutsche Revue. 

I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to six 
persons, amongst others, and I dedicate this book to them 
collectively. The first is my teacher in my boyhood, 
Murakami Bussan, a great poet and scholar well known in 
Japan, who has been gone from this world now already more 
than two decades. It was he who instructed me in Oriental 
learning, in classics and poetry, and gave the main founda- 
tion in the formation of my character. The second is Dr. 
Waraker, who took much pains during my stay at Cambridge 
in teaching me English and Roman laws, as well as the law 
of nations. It was mainly due to his exertions that I 
graduated with honours in the second class of the Law tripos. 
The third is Mr. Ernest Schuster, who taught me the German 
laws out of a sheer love of legal study. I remember how, 
day after day, we discussed together the German laws, taking 
Dernburg and Laband for our chief text books, the important 
parts of which I had translated into English under his direc- 
tion, and which we made our points of discussion. The other 
three are Marquis Ito, Marshal Marquis Yamagata, and 
Count Inouye, three of our elder statesmen. It was they 
who entrusted me from time to time with many important 

ix 



PREFACE AND DEDICATION 

tasks, political or otherwise, in one way or another, and my 
present visit to Europe is also mainly due to the suggestion 
of these eminent men, who, I believe, thought that my stay 
here at this important phase in the history of our nation 
could not fail to be productive of some good. 

K. S. 
Queen Anne's Mansions, London, 
August, 1905. 



POSTSCRIPT 

Before the printing of the following pages was quite 
finished, peace has been concluded at Portsmouth (America) 
between Russia and Japan. This will bring an end not only 
to the anxiety felt in many ways by the whole world, but 
also to certain strains and uneasiness caused to the 
commerce and peaceful relations of many nations. 
Whatever may be the views about the peace terms, one 
thing seems certain, that Japan has shown a great moral 
heroism in the cause of humanity and civilisation. Now 
that peace is assured, the time seems to have arrived for 
the world to reflect more calmly than ever upon the origin 
of one of the greatest wars ever recorded in history ; and 
upon the ideals and notions, as well as training and aspira- 
tions, of the Japanese, that one of the belligerent parties 
which had not, perhaps, been suflficiently known to the world 
before the war. And above all the time has come to observe 
how faithfully Japan has maintained her ambition of de- 
serving the name of a civilized nation, and to reflect how 
securely we may take her steady progress of the past, and 
especially during the last ten years, as a guarantee of her 
continued advance in the future. Time was when she was 



PREFACE AND DEDICATION 

looked down upon by many as a petty, infantile, imitative, 
shallow, bellicose, and aggressive nation. Our sincere hope 
is that misconceptions of that kind may now be totally 
dispelled, and that the world may look upon Japan as a 
country deserving friendship. For all such purposes I 
hope that this book of mine may be of some service. 

K.. S. 

Paris, 

September i, 1905. 



XI 



BOOK I 
Antecedent to the War 



B 



CHAPTER I 

AN ANGLO-JAPANESE VIEW OF THE FAR-EASTERN 

QUESTION ^ 

FOR many years to come the war now being waged 
between Russia and Japan will probably be regarded 
as pivotal in the history of Eastern Asia and the Pacific. 
The subject, even as we can envisage it at the present day, 
is a wide and far-reaching one, and there are already many 
ways of approaching it. But one of the surest keys to the 
situation, in my opinion, will ever be found in the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance ; and it will not be inexpedient, nor will 
it be thought unbecoming on my part, if I treat it as the 
keynote of the following attempt at a solution of the Far- 
Eastern Question. 

Japan is now in alliance with Great Britain ; she may not 
perhaps be worthy of that alliance, but you may be assured 
that she is doing and will always do her best to deserve it. 
Some people might regard the alliance as a mushroom affair 
and the outcome of mushroom growths. On the contrary, 
it marks the climax of a gradual process of evolution, the 
fruit of a tree with a deep-rooted trunk. 

For a long time English policy in the Far East, though 
subject in the normal course of things to the tidal influence 
of diplomacy, has had a trend in the direction of which we 
are speaking, and almost every act of Britain in this sphere 
has resulted eventually in benefit to Japan. 

It was in 1854, just fifty years ago, that Japan first opened 
her ports to America, which was soon followed by England, 
Russia, France, and other Occidental nations, one after the 

1 The substance of a speech delivered at the Constitutional Club 
on May 5, 1904. 

3 



THE RISEN SUN 

other, in the course of a few years. It was in that year, 
1854, that England, together with France, fought against 
Russia near home, in the Black Sea, and, as a consequence, 
the combined fleets of England and France in the Far East 
chased the Russian fleet and attacked the fortified port of 
Petropavlovsk on the coast of Kamchatka. In its course 
you lost your commodore by a most tragical ending of life ; 
in its course also you once met with a heavy repulse, sustain- 
ing a loss of two hundred men. At last, with reinforcements, 
the English captured and demolished the fort, but, taking 
advantage of fog, the Russian fleet had escaped a month be- 
fore. The Russian fleet which thus escaped met with grievous 
shipwreck ; the survivors sought the helping hand of Japan. 
We did not know what was passing between you and Russia, 
neither were we concerned in the matter, but from motives 
of compassion we received these survivors well. We gave 
them shelter at a secluded place called Hetta, in the province 
of Idzu ; there they wished to build some new ships, in 
order to return home. We gave materials, we lent them our 
ship-builders, our artisans, and they succeeded in building 
two schooners, on board of which they sailed away from 
Japan, their departure taking place, if I remember correctly, 
after the conclusion of peace. 

In 1861 the so-called Tsushima affair took place. Tsu- 
shima is, as you well know, an island (famous in history 
henceforth as the scene of Togo's victory over the Baltic 
fleet) situated in the straits of Korea — a most important 
strategic point for Japan. In the year in question the 
Russian fleet suddenly came to that island and landed 
marines, and occupied part of it, with the evident intention 
of seizing the island. This was done without any cause or 
reason whatever, without any prior notice or diplomatic nego- 
tiations, and in spite of the fact that Russia had entered 
into friendly intercourse with us by treaty several years 
previously, and in spite of our giving them a helping hand 
in their hour of calamity. Remonstrances were of course 
made by the island authorities, followed by those of the 
Central Government, but the Russian Foreign Oflice took 
no heed. It was then and there that the English fleet made 
its appearance on the scene, and demanded the instant 
retirement of the Russians, a demand which was obeyed ; 
and thus the Island of Tsushima was saved to Japan. 

4 



THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION 

In 1868 the new regime of the Imperial Government was 
inaugurated. For some years previous to that Japan was 
divided into two great parties, one for the Imperial cause, 
the other for the Shogunate cause. At that time England 
was represented in Japan by the energetic and sagacious 
Sir Harry Parkes ; there were also men like Glover, Lowther 
and Ernest Satow, now Sir Ernest, Britain's present worthy 
representative in China ; they all followed the lead of Sir 
Harry Parkes in espousing the Imperial cause in opposition 
to the strenuous support of the Shogunate cause by a certain 
foreign Power, headed by the equally energetic and adven- 
turous representative of that country. Most of these facts are 
contained in the unwritten pages of the Secret History of 
Diplomacy, so that they are not much known even in Japan, 
still less in Europe. But one thing is certain, that England 
has done much towards the consolidation of our empire. 
■ In 1874 we had the so-called Formosa affair, arising from 
the Formosan aborigines murdering a number of Japanese 
subjects, which ultimately led to some complication between 
Japan and China. That complication was amicably settled 
at last through the good offices tendered by the then British 
representative in China. 

In 1885 the Port Lazareff — Port Hamilton, affair took 
place. The affair, as you know, was briefly this : Russia 
attempted to snatch Port Lazareff from Korea. You, 
England, entertaining a strong objection to this Russian 
action, instantaneously occupied Port Hamilton as a counter- 
check, and thus at last succeeded in compelling Russia to 
abandon her project. This object effected, which was all 
you wanted, you naturally gave up occupation of Port 
Hamilton soon after. This affair did not directly concern 
Japan herself, but she derived benefit from it all the same. 

In our war with China, during 1894 and 1895, Great Britain 
maintained her neutrality, and was, on the whole, friendly 
with Japan. Some say England might have gone a step 
further at the time of the intervention of the three Powers, 
but we do not complain of that ; your keeping aloof was 
sufficient for us. 

During that war was effected the revision of our old 
treaties with Occidental nations, which placed Japan on an 
equal footing with other countries, admitting her for the 
first time into the comity of civilized nations. In this affair 

5 



THE RISEN SUN 

it was you, Great Britain, that took the lead and initiative 
over other Powers. When Port Arthur was occupied by 
Russia, Great Britain occupied Wei-Hai-Wei. This was 
intended as nothing else but a counter-check to the Russian 
aggression, and the lease was expressly made co-existent with 
Russian occupation. This is itself a striking proof of the 
opposing interests of Russia and Great Britain. 

Then came the Boxer rising and the march on Peking by 
the allied forces to the rescue of their several Legations. 
The history of this is too fresh to reiterate here. It 
is enough to say that we, the Japanese, spoken of as the 
pagans, fought side by side with the troops of Western na- 
tions, especially keeping up the best relations with the British 
and Americans. It is not for me here to dwell in detail upon 
what passed in diplomacy in the Far East, or what was done 
by Russia after the rescue of the various Legations. It 
will be necessary for me to give you merely a brief resume. 

Russia gave repeatedly to other Powers the pledge that 
she would relinquish her occupation of Manchuria — an 
occupation which had been effected by her during the Boxer 
trouble as a part of the common action of the allied Powers 
which went to the rescue of Peking, and for which she directly 
afterwards had received from China, for the trouble she had 
taken, a compensation to an amount far exceeding its value. 
At the same time in another direction she had been trying 
to exact from China humiliating concessions, which were quite 
contrary to, and irreconcilable with, the pledges given by her 
to the other nations. From the beginning to the end the 
chief efforts of diplomacy in the Far East were directed to 
check the clandestine attempts of Russia, and make her 
keep her pledge. In this effort England, America, and 
Japan, stood fast together. Then came the Treaty of 
Alliance between England and Japan in 1902 — the Man- 
churian question had not then come to an end, and it was 
still the pending theme. England was perfectly aware of 
the fact. Looking back over the long history of more than 
forty years, looking at what England has done in the Far 
East in connexion with Japan, as I have related above, 
I cannot but hold that it has resulted in solid benefit to 
Japan, and it goes without saying that we feel deeply 
indebted for the aid thus rendered by the English. 

I do not doubt but that much of this has been done out 

6 



THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION 

of kindness, and from a sense of justice ; but was this all ? 
Was there not also something else behind ? Upon looking 
at the map you will easily see why England had adopted her 
policy in the direction described. You have great commer- 
cial interests in the Far East, no small political ones as 
well. It is necessary for you to protect those interests. 
Although only parts of the interests of your great empire 
lie in the Far East, you could not afford to lose those inter- 
ests, any more than a man could afford to lose a part of 
his buildings, which loss might prove detrimental to the 
whole construction. These interests which you have to 
protect are identical with those of Japan. Japan has to do 
exactly the same thing as England in guarding and protect- 
ing her interest and safety. Such being the case, I venture 
to say that the Treaty of Alliance between England and 
Japan is, as I said before, the climax of a long evolution, 
having for its basis the mutual interests of the two countries. 
So far, this is a matter of plain fact as concerns the political 
aspect. There are, however, insinuations abroad to discredit 
Japan in some quarters — fomented mischievously I fear. 

In the first place, they say that Japan's modern civiliza- 
tion is only outward, and that there is every possibility of 
a reaction setting in. Nothing can be farther from the 
truth than this assertion, I can assure you. We have 
strenuously striven to civilize our country by assimilating 
certain European methods and ideas, and we have, I 
believe, succeeded to some extent. It has cost us many 
lives and much money. We have eaten Western apples 
and found them delicious — they are not the apples of 
the Seladon, and we are not likely to give them up. No ; 
we are even going to make further improvements, and so 
keep pace with those nations with whom we have friendly 
intercourse. Of the material side of civilization which we 
have adopted I can at once convince you that we shall not 
be likely to give it up. We have electric light in Japan, as 
in this room ; you will not doubt when I tell you that we 
shall never return to oil or wax. We have railways ; do you 
think we can ever go back to pedestrianism ? Shall we cut 
the telegraph wire and again employ messengers ? 

With regard to the intellectual parts of civilization, it 
may not be so easy to convince you, but with us it is exactly 
the same. The introduction of Western civilization into 



THE RISEN SUN 

Japan is not limited to the material side only. In laws, 
in science, in art, and in all the other branches of human 
activity, we have striven to introduce your ideas — just in 
the same degree as we have done in material objects. All 
this we shall never give up : they have already taken deep 
root in the Japanese mind, and they have already become 
essential elements in the making of a compact nation. 
Sometimes people express amazement at the changes made 
in Japan in so comparatively short a period as thirty or 
forty years, as though doubting its genuineness. It is 
true that Japan has effected a great transformation ; but, 
without in the least entertaining any idea of self-glorifica- 
tion, I may say that Japan has always had some kind of 
unique national civilization and conditions of social organiza- 
tion which, together with a considerable precursory prepar- 
ation, gave her a special power of adaptability when she 
came to adopt this new phase of Western enlightenment, 
and it will be, I venture to say, a fallacy to think that any 
aborigines or tribes scattered in different parts of the globe 
could, emulating Japan, raise themselves, in the same way, 
as she has done at a moment's notice. 

Some comments have also been made about difference 
of race and religion. Well, the difference of race is a matter 
we cannot transform except perhaps by gradual inter- 
mixture. That difference, however, seems to me not very 
important — not certainly of a kind to preclude the 
maintenance of friendly relations, so long as other 
assimilation could be thoroughly effected. I may also say 
the same thing with regard to religion. Our moral precepts 
and ethical rules are exactly the same as yours, though some 
of their points might be more developed in Japan, while 
some points might be more developed in Western nations. 
Just let me illustrate this. Where any matters of charity 
or virtue are concerned, the Japanese entertain the same 
ideas, and act in the same way, as do their Western brethren. 
For instance, the organization of the Red Cross Society is 
working very well in Japan ; its members consist of about 
one million, and its annual subscriptions amount to about 
two millions. It is under the direct patronage of the Emperor 
and Empress ; and of course all this is done irrespective of 
any religion, Japan being a most tolerant country as regards 
religion. Perfect freedom of conscience is guaranteed by 

8 



THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION 

the Constitution, and not the sHghtest difference is made in 
the eyes of law on account of rehgion : and in social inter- 
course it is the same. Here perhaps I might relate an 
instance : Mr. Kataoka, who died last autumn, was a 
Protestant, and yet was one of the leaders of the largest 
political party. He was President of the House of Repre- 
sentatives for several terms, and he died while still holding 
that office. There was a hymn which he liked the best, and 
on his dying bed he asked his friends and relatives to sing 
it, and he passed away as he listened to it. Even the 
Salvation Army is parading our streets under the command 
of its English officers. Nay ! even the Mormons are allowed 
to preach, under conditions, bien entendu, which bind them 
not to attempt to proselytize as regards polygamy, which 
is contrary to our laws. With these facts in view, one might 
even say that we, as a nation, are almost too tolerant. 

At all events, I am of opinion that if Enghshmen continue 
to regard us as brothers, we shall get on very well. 

People speak of the Japanese being brave in war, and 
fighting well. Perhaps it is true ; but we should be sorry 
if we were considered only as a fighting nation. We aspire 
to be at least as energetic and as clever in other branches 
of human activity as in war ; in fact, our endeavour has 
always been directed to that end. 

Here I might add a few more words. The general tendency 
in Japan is that the more one is versed in the Western ideas, 
the more chance one has of becoming a prominent figure 
in all directions, more especially in politics and official occupa- 
tions, but also in our army and navy. It amounts to the 
same thing as saying that the brain, as it were, of Japan, 
which regulates the wheel and the motion of the empire, 
is, and will continue to be, animated by the Western modes 
of thought and reasoning. These Western proclivities will 
serve to protect Japan from the danger of acting upon 
some unconsidered impulse and will cause her as a nation 
to feel her international responsibilities the more. 

Some fear has been entertained that the Japanese 
soldiers might become restless and unruly after achiev- 
ing great success over their formidable foe. But of 
that there is no fear. Our army is founded upon the 
universal service system ; the soldiers are patriotic and 
fight gallantly when ordered to advance, but they are 

9 



THE RISEN SUN 

not bellicose by nature, rather preferring peace, and, more- 
over, perfect order and discipline prevail among them. It 
was just one day after the rupture of diplomatic relations 
with Russia that I met with General Count Katsura, the 
Premier of Japan, when he told me that during that long 
protracted negotiation with Russia not one of our military 
or naval officers or men had come to him to disturb him 
with their opinions on diplomacy or politics. This will 
perhaps give you some idea of what are the characteristics 
of our army. It appears also that some apprehensions have 
been entertained lest some kind of amalgamation might 
be effected between China and Japan which might cause 
danger to the Western Powers. But I am far from believing 
this ! China is a very nice country. The Chinese, however, 
are not a warlike or aggrandising nation. China is and 
has always been, and will be, a good market for all civilized 
nations so long as she is left undisturbed and her integrity 
is respected. The characteristics and notions in general 
in China and Japan represent such marked differences that 
it is a matter of impossibility to amalgamate these two 
nations ; nor does Japan ever entertain such ambitious ideas. 
All that Japan wishes is to maintain a peaceful, commercial 
intercourse with China, in common with other civilized 
nations ; and Japan's policy will always be worked on these 
lines. I am confident that this policy of Japan is in accord 
with English ideas, and I do not believe that the direction 
of English policy differs from ours in any way. This is again 
satisfactory evidence that British and Japanese interests 
are identical, and hence the necessity of maintaining a 
close and cordial relationship, which is the same thing as 
continuing the actual status of the present alliance. I said 
in the beginning of my discourse that the present state of 
things marked the climax of a long evolution ; I might 
almost say that it is an outcome of English policy in the 
East, which may be considered as already traditional. 
In its long course it was sometimes adopted by the Liberal 
Government and sometimes by the Conservative, which you 
can easily discover by peeping into the pages of history ; 
and, besides, I am happy to notice that it is backed by almost 
all the subjects of the great British Empire. Hence I may 
affirm that it is your national policy. An alliance of this 
kind does not involve the thwarting of other nations ; on 

10 



THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION 

the contrary, we wish also to keep up friendly relations 
with them, which I presume is also the intention of Great 
Britain, and hence the Japanese are not jealous of Great 
Britain making an entente cordiale with any of these 
nations. In fact, I do not doubt that among these nations 
too, even in France or Germany, there is many a heart 
which is beating in sympathy with Japan at this trying 
hour of hers. It must be understood, however, that in 
these friendships all round there must be some difference of 
degree. Amongst these other nations we desire the best 
friendship with the United States of America. Almost 
all the sentiments I have expressed relating to your country 
are also applicable to the United States, and, besides, there 
is no difference in the Far East in the interest and policy of 
England, the United States, and Japan. The Americans 
have shown their sympathy with Japan at this momentous 
hour in no less degree than Great Britain. I would fain 
that America would advance a step farther and enter upon 
a more concise relationship. I understand that it is the 
policy of both the English and American Governments 
that they should keep up a close and friendly relationship, 
and I also understand this aspiration to be that of the 
thinking parts of both nations, an aspiration towards which 
they have already succeeded in converting the vast bulk of 
their fellow-countrymen. There may, perchance, be some 
trifling difference of feeling now and then between some 
few particular individuals ; but if there be such, they are, 
after all, like little differences of opinion between brothers 
and sisters or cousins. You cannot permanently or irre- 
vocably cut the natural bonds of Anglo-Saxon blood. Let 
then Great Britain and America be closely united, and 
allow Japan to stand by their side — it will be a sight worth 
seeing ! Were England, America and Japan, I say, to 
stand thus together in the Far East, that fact alone could 
not but be a great bulwark for the preservation of permanent 
peace and the furtherance of civilization, without in any 
way prejudicing the equitable rights and interests of other 
civilized nations. 

I am told, and I also know, that Britishers are difficult to 
make friends with, but we also know that when once they 
become friends their friendship is constant and enduring, and 
so it is with the British nation at large. The present Treaty 

II 



THE RISEN SUN 

of Alliance is terminable after five years ; but I would fain 
it were made perpetual. Nor is this merely for the interests 
of Japan. Suppose Japan were worsted in the war now 
waging, and Northern China fell into the hands of a certain 
other Power, what would be the result ? British interests 
in the Far East would soon, I fear, be an obsolete ex- 
pression. Japan has now embarked on a great task. She 
thoroughly recognizes its magnitude and gravity. She is, 
however, convinced that she is not fighting merely for 
personal political aims, but that she is fighting also in the 
interests of civilization and humanity. She is fighting for 
her own sake of course, but at the same time she is carrying 
on the contest at the mandate of England and America, as 
it were, in the cause of civilization and humanity. And, 
therefore, from the point of view of justice, humanity, interest 
and friendship, I earnestly ask you to continue your warm 
sympathy with Japan. 



12 



CHAPTER II 

JAPAN AND RUSSIA ^ 

IN the following pages an effort has been made to trace 
the course of events and negotiations precedent to the 
outbreak of hostilities in the Far East. The most trust- 
worthy sources of information have been drawn upon, viz., 
the Blue Book issued by the British Government, entitled 
" Correspondence regarding the Russian Occupation of Man- 
churia and Newchwang"^ and the White JBook concerning 
" The Negotiations between Japan and Russia, 1903-1904," 
presented by the Government of Tokio to the Imperial 
Diet this year. These official records have been supple- 
mented by references to acknowledged facts in the recent 
history of the Extreme East, and if the account now given 
is somewhat lengthy, though compressed as much as possible, 
the circumstance is to be ascribed to the wide area which, 
geographically and historically, it was needful that the 
statement should be made to embrace. 

The anxiety felt in Japan about Russian methods had 
its origin at least as far back as the eighteenth century, 
when the encroachments of Russian settlers began in the 
Kurile Islands, which are Japanese territory, and extend 
in a prolonged chain from Yeso (now ofhcially termed 
Hokkaido) to Cape Lopatka. There were frequent intru- 
sions by Russians early in the last century, moreover, upon 
Yeso and the neighbouring islands, and Russia seized the 
opportunity, when the opening of the Empire to foreign 
intercourse had caused internal dissensions in Japan itself, 
to take possession of the northern half of Saghalien, an 
island which up to that time had been regarded as wholly 

1 The Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, July, 1904. 

2 China, No. 2, 1904. 

13 



THE RISEN SUN 

Japanese property. In the end, at a later date she suc- 
ceeded in depriving Japan of the southern half also, and 
thus acquired for herself possession of the entire island. 
In 1861 the Russians attempted the annexation of Tsushima, 
Japan's outpost in the Straits of Korea, having landed 
men surreptitiously from the cruiser Posadnik and quartered 
them ashore. This design was, however, frustrated by 
the vigilance of the British Admiral, Sir James Hope, who, 
on learning of the Russian descent upon the island, took, 
together with Mr. Oliphant, Secretary of the British Lega- 
tion in Japan, such strenuous action as left the intruders 
no option but to retire from the position which they had 
illegally taken up. The opportunity presented by China's 
difficulties with France and Great Britain over events in 
North China had at this time been seized by Russia to exact 
from the Peking Government the cession of the entire Eastern 
littoral of Manchuria down to the Korean frontier, with 
its bays and harbours, including the site of Vladivostock. 
In 1885 the Russians attempted to snatch Port Lazareff 
from Korea, and although that attempt was thwarted 
by the prompt action of England, Russia's ambitions in 
respect of her progress southward never ceased to be active. 
Thus in 1891 she began that gigantic undertaking, the Trans- 
Siberian Railway, and immediately on the conclusion of 
the Chino- Japanese war she wrested from China, by succes- 
sive machinations, concessions and subordinate privileges 
in connexion with the so-called Eastern Chinese Railway, 
which spread itself not only across the whole width of 
Manchuria to Vladivostock, but likewise through its entire 
length from Harbin to Port Arthur and Dalny. By degrees 
the Russian interest was made to predominate, and to all 
intents and purposes the railways in Manchuria were to 
become part and parcel of Russia's own railway system, 
administered by her officials. 

Korea, which had for centuries virtually acknowledged 
the suzerainty of Japan as well as of China, by periodically 
despatching a tribute-bearing mission to the Japanese 
capital in the same way that she had sent envoys from 
Seoul to Peking, began to omit this courtesy, and mistrust- 
ing the effects of the radical changes introduced into Japan 
under the new regime, chose to exhibit in other ways an 
indifference to the preservation of good relations with the 

14 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

Japanese Empire. The successive Envoys whom Japan 
sent to Korea were arrogantly treated, and finally, in 1875, 
a Japanese surveying vessel, the Unyokan, was fired upon. 
Japan demanded explanations, and eventually a treaty 
was signed between Japan and Korea in 1876, in which 
Korea was placed on the footing of an independent State, 
and certain of her ports were opened to Japanese commerce. 
Owing to the continued interference, however, of the Chinese 
in Korean politics, and conflicts having occurred between 
the soldiers guarding the Japanese Legation and the Koreans, 
China was remonstrated with, and finally a treaty was 
negotiated at Tientsin in 1884, whereby a pacific settle- 
ment was brought about for the time being. In effect, it 
was China's breaches of this treaty that led to the subse- 
quent Sino- Japanese war. China's unwillingness to re- 
linquish the hold upon the peninsular kingdom which she 
claimed to enjoy by virtue of suzerainty, and her antagonism 
to Japan's growing influence at Seoul, exerted solely in the 
interests of beneficial reform, culminated in her taking 
those hostile measures that brought about the war of 1894- 
1895. 

In the negotiations for peace which were entered upon 
at Shimonoseki in the summer of 1895, China ceded the Liao- 
tung peninsula to Japan. But Russia had long before 
fixed her gaze upon the fortress of Port Arthur, and with 
the view of preventing its transfer, together with the terri- 
tory named, to Japan, she thought fit to address to the 
Government of Tokio the following remonstrance, with the 
consent and approval of France and Germany : — 

The Government of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias 
in examining the conditions of peace which Japan has imposed 
on China, finds that the possession of the peninsula of Liao-tung, 
claimed by Japan, would be a constant menace to the capital of 
China, would at the same time render illusory the independence 
of Korea, and would henceforth be a perpetual obstacle to the 
permanent peace of the Far East. Consequently, the Government 
of his Majesty the Emperor would give a new proof of their sincere 
friendship for the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of 
Japan by advising them to renounce the definitive possession of 
the peninsula of Liao-tung. 

Japan, as is well-known, was obliged to yield to the 
pressure thus exerted by the three Western Powers, and 

15 



THE RISEN SUN 

when, in 1897, Germany obtained from China a lease of 
Kiao-Chau in Shantung, Russia seized the moment to 
demand from the Peking Government the virtual cession 
of Port Arthur and Tahen Wan, thereby setting at nought 
all those objections to the occupancy of this part of the 
Chinese Empire by another Power to which she had attached 
such immense weight only a few years previously. Russia's 
next move was to obtain from the Koreans a lease of 
Masampho, in Korea, an important harbour directly facing 
Tsushima, Japan's westernmost outpost. To this the oppo- 
sition of Japan and Great Britain was successful. Korea 
merely granted facilities for the establishment of a Russian 
coaling depot. 

The Boxers' outbreak in China led to the almost universal 
expression of a desire that Japan should send troops to the 
rescue of the members of Foreign Legations in Peking, 
and Japan, ever mindful of the principles of humanity, and 
anxious to prove her entire sympathy with the sufferers by 
the Boxers' depredations, at once expressed her readiness 
to despatch an adequate army. The Peking Relief Expedi- 
tion was promptly organized, and the forces of Japan took 
their places in line with those of Occidental nations in a 
supreme effort to avert the peril which overshadowed all 
the subjects of foreign Powers then dwelling in the Chinese 
capital. In this expedition the Japanese troops greatly 
outnumbered those of any other country. Russia sent 4,000 
men to Chihli to take part in the march to Peking, but she 
at the same time sent large bodies of troops into Manchuria 
on the pretext that there too a general rising was imminent, 
and threatened the existence of the railway, then in course 
of construction and nearing completion. Ostensibly the 
Russians continued to find employment for their troops in 
Manchuria in the suppression of brigandage, but meanwhile 
they demanded and received their share of the indemnity paid 
by China not upon the basis of the contingent which had 
been sent to join the Peking Relief Force, but upon that 
of the entire number of men which it was alleged it had 
been found needful to send into Manchuria as well. The 
numerical strength was, however, greatly exaggerated, for 
Russia's share in the indemnity was actually calculated 
upon the footing of her having provided 170,000 troops, 
whereas in reality the sum total could not at the very utmost 

16 • 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

have exceeded 50,000. Even at that time Russia's behaviour 
in Manchuria had been such as to arouse suspicion, and 
had become matter for general comment. It is sufficient 
here to point out that Russia was more than amply repaid 
by China for such assistance as she could claim to have 
rendered. 

A passing reference must be made to the Anglo-German 
Agreement of October, 1900. It was expressly laid down 
in that document that should any other Power seek to 
make use of the complications in China to extort advantages 
calculated to impair the undiminished territorial condition 
of the Chinese Empire, Germany and Britain would reserve 
it to themselves to come to an understanding as to the 
steps to be taken to protect their own interests in China. 
To this agreement all the Powers adhered in respect of its 
principles, and Japan actually accepted the position of a 
signatory. Thus there was a substantial basis for action 
in the event of China's territorial integrity being assailed ; 
but, strangely enough, when the Manchurian question 
reached an acute stage, Germany alone (besides Russia, of 
course) somewhat abruptly showed a reluctance to admit 
its application to Manchuria, yet at the same time continued 
to give a general adhesion to the policy of the other Great 
Powers in regard to the Chinese Empire. Japan and Great 
Britain found in this policy a basis, later on, as we shall 
see, for a formal declaration of alliance in respect of Chinese 
and Korean affairs. 

On the last day of the year 1900 a memorable despatch 
was sent by cable to the Times newspaper in London by 
its correspondent in Peking, which drew the attention of 
the world to the part Russia was really playing, and which 
was diametrically opposed to her protestations of an unalter- 
able desire to act in unison with all the nations concerned 
in the East. That despatch set forth the terms of an 
agreement which it was declared had been surreptitiously 
concluded between China and Russia, whereby Russia 
consented to the resumption of the civil government of 
Mukden and the Feng-tien province only on condition 
that— 

I. The Tartar General Tseng should undertake to protect and 
pacify the province, and to assist in the construction of the Russian 
railroad. 

17 g 



THE RISEN SUN 

2. That he should treat kindly the Russians who were then and 
were to remain in military occupation, providing them with lodging 
and provisions. 

3. That he should disarm and disband the Chinese soldiery, trans- 
ferring to the Russians all munitions of war in arsenals which they 
had not already occupied. 

4. That all forts, etc., not needed by the Russians should be 
dismantled. 

5. That Newchwang (a treaty port) and other places then occu- 
pied by Russians should only be restored to Chinese civil adminis- 
tration when the Russian Government might be satisfied that the 
pacification of the province had actually been accomplished. 

6. That the local Chinese police should maintain law and ordei 
under the control of the Tartar General. 

7. That there should be a Russian political Resident at Mukden, 
whom it would be obligatory upon the Tartar general to consult. 

8. That should the local police be anywhere insufficient to cope 
with an emergency, Russian reinforcements should at once be 
called for, through the Russian Resident. 

The functions conferred upon the Russian Resident were 
similar, it will be seen, to those of British Residents in the 
Native States of India, or of the Russian Resident at Bok- 
hara. It was, moreover, made clear that this agreement 
would necessarily be followed by similar agreements relative 
to the other two provinces of Manchuria — viz., Kirin and 
He-lung-chiang — and that, inasmuch as Russia had under 
a pre-existing agreement secured the right to maintain 
troops in Manchuria for the protection of the " Eastern 
Chinese Railway," this province of the Chinese Empire 
would become to all intents and purposes a Russian Pro- 
tectorate. 

Pressure was then put upon China by Great Britain, 
Germany, the United States, and Japan, not to commit 
the stupendous folly of entering upon any separate negotia- 
tions with Russia or any single Power, and the Emperor 
of China, on his part, likewise sought the conjoint mediation 
of these Powers. In the meantime a more trustworthy 
and even more disquieting draft of the Russian demands 
came to light. Diplomatic communications were exchanged 
with great activity between the Powers, chiefly directed 
against Russia, whilst Russia herself, with her accustomed 
craftiness, did her utmost to gain her point. At last, 
however, she had to give way, at all events for the time, 
and on April 5, 1901, the Government of St. Petersburg, in 
an official communique on the subject of its policy in China, 

t8 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

published in the Official Messenger, positively stated that 
though the course of events in Pechili, and a series of acts 
of aggression committed by Chinese insurgents on the 
frontier of Russia, had rendered necessary the occupation 
of the port of Newchwang and the entry of the Russian 
troops in Manchuria, these were to be considered temporary 
measures ; that as soon as order had been permanently 
restored in Manchuria, and everything possible had been 
done to safeguard the railway, Russia would not fail to 
withdraw her troops from the territory of the Chinese 
Empire on her borders, provided that no obstacle was 
placed in her way by the action of the other Powers and of 
China herself. The introduction of this qualifying phrase 
was due, as was subsequently to be seen, to the sinister 
intention of withdrawing with one hand the benefits con- 
ferred by the other, since it would be at any time practicable 
for Russia to construe this clause as inapplicable by reason 
of the prolongation of disturbances in Manchuria which the 
Russian agents might themselves, if they chose, foment. 
The communique went on to state, with reference to the 
secret agreement previously alluded to as that which Russia 
surreptitiously sought to impose upon China, that that 
agreement was only intended to serve as a starting-point 
towards the realization of the declared intention of the 
Russian Government to restore Manchuria to China, it 
having only been occupied by Russia in consequence of the 
alarming events of the previous year. Russia complained 
that, owing to obstacles having been put in the way of the 
conclusion of this secret agreement, it was impossible for 
her immediately to take the measures contemplated for the 
gradual evacuation of Manchuria, but in a closing paragraph 
the Russian Government announced that, whilst maintaining 
the then existing temporary form of government in Man- 
churia with the object of insuring order in the neighbour- 
hood of the Russian frontier, but remaining unalterably 
true to its original programme as repeatedly formulated, 
it would quietly await the further progress of events. 

In April, 1901, a week after the publication in the Official 
Messenger, Count Lamsdorff personally assured Sir Charles 
Scott, the representative of Great Britain, that it was 
entirely an erroneous conclusion that had been reached in 
some quarters that the Russian Government, by dropping 

19 



THE RISEN SUN 

the negotiations for an early evacuation of Manchuria, as 
indicated above, evinced their intention of occupying that 
province indefinitely. The Emperor of Russia, said Count 
Lamsdorff, adhered unswervingly to his intention, so frankly 
and frequently declared, to withdraw the Russian troops 
of occupation and restore the province to its former Chinese 
administration as soon as a normal state of affairs in China 
and the reinstatement at Peking of the legitimate and 
independent central Government, capable of maintaining 
order in the empire, admitted of this being done. Count 
Lamsdorff volunteered the statement, moreover, that the 
separate negotiations with China concerning the early evacua- 
tion of Manchuria had been dropped, and that nothing 
beyond a programme for the negotiations had ever been 
discussed. Sir Charles Scott found that his German and 
American colleagues at St. Petersburg had been by Count 
Lamsdorff similarly assured. 

Four months later the British Minister in Peking found 
himself obliged to charge the Russian Government with 
a breach of faith, in that he had been informed, from a 
thoroughly trustworthy source, of Russia's resumption 
of negotiations with China to bring about the signature 
of a Manchurian agreement. 

The Russians, telegraphed Sir Ernest Satow, denied 
this ; but the accuracy of the British Minister's report was 
demonstrated before long, for seven months after the Peking 
Protocol was signed — viz., on September 7 — a separate 
agreement was signed between Russia and China on April 8, 
1902. This agreement was made public in the Official 
Messenger four days afterwards, and in a Government com- 
munication preceding the text of the document it was 
declared in so many words that the Russian Government 
had assured the Chinese Emperor that Russia had no hostile 
intentions towards China, whose independence and integ- 
rity were the foundation of Russian policy in the Far East. 
Admitting, moreover, that the pacification of China had 
progressed with notable success, and repeating the assurances 
that the only object with which Russian troops were sent 
into the Celestial Empire was the reinstatement of the law- 
ful Government of China, with which friendly relations had 
existed from time immemorial, it was announced that the 
conditions of the recall of the Russian forces from Man- 

20 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

churia had been embodied in the agreement in question. 
At first it might be thought that Russia was actuated solely 
by good faith in regard to her treatment of China, but in 
reality her ascendancy at the Chinese capital was procured 
either by bribery or coercion in some form or other, and 
the officials went in constant fear of the aggressive attitude 
of the Russian agents and representatives. So much was 
this the case that whilst the Chinese felt themselves com- 
pelled to agree to Russia's terms, they often complained to 
other Powers of the pressure to which they were thus 
subjected, and constantly appealed for assistance in resisting 
the Russian demands, which, as a matter of fact, had under- 
gone much change, to China's advantage, in consequence. 

Under that agreement Russia bound herself within six 
months from the date of signature (April 8, 1902) to clear 
the south-western portion of the province of Mukden of 
Russian troops up to the river Liao-che, and to hand the 
Shanhai Kwan and Newchwang railway over to China. 
She further undertook within the next six months to clear 
the remainder of the province of Mukden and the province 
of Kirin of Russian troops ; and, finally, within the six 
months following, to remove the remaining Russian troops 
from the province of He-Lung-Chiang. 

On the other hand, the Chinese Government bound itself 
to protect the railways of Manchuria in general by all 
means in its power, and to secure the safety in Manchuria 
of Russian subjects and their undertakings. The obliga- 
tion to afford protection to the Shanhai Kwan and New- 
chwang railway was laid exclusively upon China, and it was 
a condition that she should not invite other Powers to 
participate in its protection, construction, or working. Nor 
might she embark upon any extension of this railway, nor 
execute new works in connexion therewith, notwithstand- 
ing that the line ran wholly through her own territory, 
without first consulting Russia. Further, she might not 
increase or diminish the mmiber of her troops in Manchuria 
without notifying Russia, nor allow any other Powers to 
occupy the territory evacuated by the Russians. 

Lord Lansdowne, in conversation with M. de Staal, the 
Russian Ambassador in London, on April 30, referred to 
this agreement, and explained that in Great Britain there 
was a disposition to criticise those provisions which Hmited 

21 



THE RISEN SUN 

China's right to dispose of her miUtary forces and to con- 
struct railway extensions within her own territory. But 
as it was hoped that the evacuation of the province would 
be completed within the appointed time, and that the 
agreement would be loyally and considerately interpreted, 
Lord Lansdowne was indisposed to examine its provisions 
too microscopically. 

In the Russian Government's communication prefacing 
the announcement of this agreement of April 8, 1902, it 
was expressly stated that the only object with which Rus- 
sian troops were sent into the Celestial Empire was the 
reinstatement of the lawful Chinese Government and the 
re-establishment of order, and that as Russia had received 
China's written guarantee for the maintenance of order, 
and had been repaid the material expenses to which she 
was put by her military operations in China, the Russian 
Government saw no necessity for leaving armed forces 
within the confines of Manchuria. 

So far Russia appeared to be in earnest, as far as evacua- 
tion was concerned, and to be acting in good faith, so much 
so that in October, 1902, Prince Ching informed the British 
Minister in Peking that the railways outside the Great 
Wall, as far as the Liao River, had been handed back to 
China by Russia, and that the south-west portion of Muk- 
den province, as far as the river named, had been completely 
evacuated by Russian troops. But Russia still retained in 
her own hands the administration of the treaty port of 
Newchwang, the Russian Consul combining with his ordinary 
duties those of civil administrator, and the Customs dues 
collected at the port were being paid into the Russo-Chinese 
Bank. 

Meanwhile, the similarity of the interests of Great Britain 
and Japan in respect of the Far East had been manifested 
in so many ways that the desirability of the two countries 
uniting in a formal agreement was fully recognized, and 
in January, 1902, the Anglo- Japanese Convention was 
signed in London. 

April 8, 1903, passed by, and still Newchwang was held 
by Russia, Admiral Alexeieff making the excuse that Ger- 
man and English gunboats were at or off the port, and that 
he wished to obtain a guarantee from China that no foreign 
force would be permitted to occupy it. Some uneasiness 

22 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

being felt in London as to Russia's real intentions, Lord 
Lansdowne received on April 22 Count Beckendorff's 
assurances that if the retirement from Newchwang had 
not taken place it was only delayed for some special and 
sufficient cause. 

Suddenly, as a bolt from the blue, in the latter part of 
April, 1903, the Russians made seven demands upon the 
Chinese Government at Peking, as conditions precedent 
to the evacuation of Manchuria, these demands preventing — 

(a) The opening of any free port or establishment of a con- 
sulate of any other Power in the evacuated district. 

(b) The employment of other than Russians " in the North." 

The demands also included : 

(c) The retention of the same status at Newchwang as regards 
administration as during occupation. 

(d) The continued payment of the Customs dues into the Russo- 
Chinese Bank. 

(e) The control of Newchwang sanitary affairs by Russians. 

(/) The use of Chinese telegraph-poles throughout Manchuria 
for Russian wires ; and 

(g) A final stipulation that no portion of the three provinces of 
which Manchuria consists should ever be alienated to any foreign 
Power. 

The British Government, as also Japan and the other 
Powers, regarded these demands as quite inadmissible, and 
the British Charge d' Affaires in Peking was instructed to 
inform the Chinese Government that they would by Great 
Britain be resented as an infraction of Article 54 of the 
Treaty of Tientsin (1858), which stipulated that the British 
Government and its subjects should be allowed free and 
equal participation in all privileges, immunities, and advan- 
tages that might have been or might thereafter be granted 
by China to the Government or subjects of any other nation. 

The Chinese Government was assured by both Japan 
and Britain that it would receive similar support in resisting 
Russia's demands to that accorded to China at the time 
that the Manchurian Convention was being negotiated. 
The United States directed their Minister at Peking to urge 
upon the Chinese Government the advisability of refusing 
the Russian demands, and telegraphed to the American 
Ambassador at St. Petersburg to request explanations 
from the Russian Government. 

23 



THE RISEN SUN 

Lord Lansdowne, on April 28, telegraphed to Sir Claude 
Macdonald at Tokio to assure the Japanese Government 
that Britain was supporting the representations made at 
St. Petersburg by the United States Government, and 
that the British Government was desirous of keeping in line 
with Japan during these negotiations. 

On that day, April 28, 1903, the United States Ambas- 
sador at St. Petersburg was most positively assured by 
Count Lamsdorff that no such demands as those referred 
to had been made by the Russian Government. He was 
much surprised that Russia should have been suspected in 
any quarter of not wishing to observe the published con- 
ditions of evacuation, confirmed as they had been by the 
solemn assurances of the Tsar. The denial was accepted 
by the United States Ambassador, who reported to Wash- 
ington that the Russian Government further declared that 
there was no intention of seeking exclusive privileges for 
Russians in Manchuria, or of keeping the subjects or citizens 
of other Powers out of the advantages there enjoyed by 
Russians. Machiavellian diplomacy was never more com- 
pletely illustrated than on this occasion. 

The question of the opening of Antung, Tatungkau, and 
Mukden, afterwards provided for by commercial treaties 
between the United States and China, and between Japan 
and China, was at this time under consideration, and the 
prohibition contained in the first and second of Russia's 
conditions, put forward on or about April 20, 1903, was 
calculated to destroy the effect of the concessions which, in 
the interest of all nations, the Treaty Commission sitting 
at Shanghai was on the point of securing. 

Simultaneously a movement of Russian troops was 
reported in the direction of Feng-whang-cheng and the 
Yalu River, which led to inquiries being made by Prince 
Ching, who was told by the Russian Charge d'Affaires at 
Peking that the movement had been carried out in order to 
counteract a threatened Japanese movement. On June 17 
Lord Lansdowne heard that the Chinese Government was 
being pressed by Russia to consent to the conditions which 
the Russian Government had endeavoured to attach to 
the evacuation of Manchuria, and particularly the first and 
second of the seven clauses, relative to foreign Consuls and 
the establishment of open ports in the districts to be evacu- 

24 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

ated. Prince Ching admitted that it was quite true that 
the Russian Legation at Peking had presented a Note 
containing quite unacceptable conditions, and which in- 
fringed China's sovereign rights, but the Chinese Govern- 
ment had refused to discuss them. 

The Russian denials, made by Count Lamsdorff to the 
United States Ambassador at St. Petersburg, of any demands 
embodying the conditions named having been presented to 
China, and Count Lamsdorff' s expressions of surprise that 
Russia should be suspected in any quarter of departing 
from the published and solemn assurances given by the 
Tsar, created in Tokio the greatest astonishment, not 
unmingled with amusement, inasmuch as on the very day 
news was received there of Russian activity at the Yalu, 
and of coals and ammunition having been conveyed thither 
in vessels specially chartered by the Russian military 
authorities. Besides many aggressive measures Russia 
had begun to take in Korea, a large number of Russians, 
mostly soldiers, had settled down at Yongampho, ostensibly 
to establish a station in connexion with the somewhat 
nebulous right relating to the timber-cutting concession 
exacted from Korea. Thereupon a proposal had been put 
forward by the United States and Japan, to which England 
fully assented, that Yongampho should be opened as a port 
for the trade of all nations : but Russia had exerted the 
utmost pressure upon the Koreans to prevent this being 
accompHshed. This affords ample indication of the real 
trend of Russian policy in respect of Korea. 

Several fresh demands were made by Russia to China in 
September, all of which were pregnant with selfishness, 
including the projects of constructing wharves on the Sungari 
with military protection, of establishing a separate inspector- 
ate of customs for Manchuria, prejudicing the treaty rights 
of England, as well as of establishing new postal stations 
from Tsitsihar to Blagovestchensk, and the permanent 
rejection of any creation of foreign settlement at the towns 
in Manchuria which were to be opened under the new 
treaties soon to be signed with America and Japan. Japan, 
England, and America all made vigorous remonstrances 
with China for no less interest of her own than theirs, and 
the Chinese Government finally rejected the Russian demands. 
In the next month the American and Japanese treaties 

25 



THE RISEN SUN 

were signed, on the 8th and 9th respectively. Simultane- 
ously with this the Russians began to re-occupy rapidly the 
places they had once evacuated, and showed fresh and ever- 
increasing activity under the most exorbitant pretexts. 

At the end of November Lord Lansdowne further dis- 
cussed with the Russian Ambassador in London the affairs 
of Manchuria, and pointed out that it was essential that 
treaty rights in all parts of the Chinese Empire should 
be respected, and that British trade should receive equal 
treatment in those regions. Lord Lansdowne further 
dwelt upon the deplorable effect produced by the neglect 
of the Russian Government to fulfil its pledges, and expressed 
his hope that the Russians were then in a position to fix a 
date for the evacuation, or at any rate to explain why this 
was not done. 

On January 8, 1904, Count Beckendorff called upon 
Lord Lansdowne and made a specific declaration to the 
effect that Russia had no intention whatever of placing any 
obstacle in the way of the continued enjoyment by foreign 
Powers of the rights acquired by them in virtue of the 
treaties then in force. Lord Lansdowne said that he re- 
gretted that Russia should have found it impossible to take 
even a single step in pursuance of the policy which she thus 
prescribed for herself, and frankly told the Russian Ambassa- 
dor that in Great Britain people were looking for some 
concrete evidence of Russia's intention to make good her 
promises. 

We must now go back to July 28 of the same year (1903) 
briefly to review the steps taken by the Japanese Govern- 
ment itself. On that date Baron Komura telegraphed to 
Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg, direct- 
ing him to place before the Russian Government a suggestion 
that the two Powers should enter upon an examination of 
the condition of affairs in the Extreme East where their 
interests met, with a view to a definition of their respective 
special interests in those regions. The Japanese Government 
was prepared, on its suggestion meeting with approval, to pre- 
sent to the Russian Government its views as to the nature 
and scope of the proposed undertaking. Mr. Kurino was 
directed to state that Japan's purpose was entirely friendly, 
but that great importance was attached to the subject. 

In proof of its ardent wish to remove all causes of mis- 

26 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

understanding, the Japanese Government, only six days 
later, telegraphed to Mr. Kurino the text of six propositions 
which it was desired to put forward as the basis of an under- 
standing between Japan and Russia ; and as everything 
may be said to have hinged upon the acceptance or non- 
acceptance of these spontaneous offers of the Japanese 
Government to negotiate a satisfactory settlement, it is 
well to give the proposals in detail : 

1. Mutual engagement to respect the independence and terri- 
torial integrity of the Chinese and Korean Empires, and to maintain 
the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and industry 
of all nations in those countries. 

2. Reciprocal recognition of Japan's preponderating interests in 
Korea, and Russia's special interests in railway enterprises in Man- 
churia, and of the right of Japan to take in Korea, and of Russia to 
take in Manchuria, such measures as may be necessary for the pro- 
tection of their respective interests as above defined, subject, however 
to the provisions of Article i of this agreement. 

3. Reciprocal undertaking on the part of Russia and Japan not 
to impede development of those industrial and commercial activities 
respectively of Japan in Korea and of Russia in Manchuria which are 
not inconsistent with the stipulations of Article i of this agreement. 
Additional engagement on the part of Russia not to impede the 
eventual extension of the Korean Railway into Southern Manchuria 
so as to connect with the East China and Shanhaikwan-Newchwang 
lines. 

4. Reciprocal engagement that in case it is found necessary to 
send troops by Japan to Korea, or by Russia to Manchuria, for the 
purpose either of protecting the interests mentioned in Article 2 of 
this agreement, or of suppressing insurrection or disorder calculated 
to create international complications, the troops so sent are in no 
case to exceed the actual number required, and are to be forthwith 
recalled as soon as their missions are accomplished. 

5 . Recognition on the part of Russia of the exclusive right of Japan 
to give advice and assistance in the interest of reform and good 
government in Korea, including necessary military assistance. 

6. This Agreement to supplant all previous arrangements between 
Japan and Russia respecting Korea. 

Mr. Kurino was directed to say, in presenting these pro- 
posals, that they were offered in the firm belief that they 
might serve as a basis upon which to construct a satisfactory 
arrangement between the two Governments, and that 
Count Lamsdorff might be assured that any amendment 
or suggestion that he might find it necessary to offer would 
receive the immediate and friendly consideration of the 
Japanese Government. 

27 



THE RISEN SUN 

These instructions were sent to Mr. Kurino in the antici- 
pation that Russia's response to the Note Verbale presented 
by him six days before would be favourable. On August 5 
Baron Komura was informed by Mr. Kurino that Count 
Lamsdorff had been authorized by the Tsar to open negotia- 
tions, and the Japanese Government, in directing its Minister 
to present the project in detail, as above quoted, took the 
opportunity to express its appreciation of the friendly 
spirit in which the Russian Government. had received the 
proposal to open negotiations. 

There was a loss of one week, owing to Count Lamsdorff 
being very much occupied, and unable, it was said, to 
receive Mr. Kurino ; but on August 12 the project, in 
English, was duly handed to the Russian Foreign Minister, 
with a request that he would hasten the matter as much as 
possible. Twelve days passed, and Mr. Kurino saw Count 
Lamsdorff again, the delay being then ascribed to the absence 
of the Emperor at military manoeuvres. A copy of the 
project had been sent by the Russian Government to 
Admiral Alexeieff, who was newly made the Viceroy, at 
Port Arthur, and an effort was made to transfer the nego- 
tions to Tokio. Japan resisted this, on the plea that the 
negotiations related to principles rather than to details, 
and that Mr. Kurino was duly authorized. The point was 
made by Russia the subject of prolonged discussion ; but in 
order not to waste more time the Japanese Government 
consented, on September 9, to have the negotiations trans- 
ferred to Tokio, trusting that the Russian Minister there 
would be able to present Russia's counter-proposals without 
delay, and to proceed immediately with the negotiations. 

After Baron Rosen had visited Port Arthur to confer 
with Admiral Alexeieff, he handed to Baron Komura at 
Tokio a memorandum of Russia's counter-proposals, which 
amounted to an acceptance of Japan's suggestions only as 
regarded Korea, and completely ignored Japan's interests 
in Manchuria. Clause 7 was worded, in fact, as follows : — 

7. Recognition by Japan of Manchuria and its littoral as in all 
respects outside her sphere of interest. 

The Russian counter-proposals resolved themselves, 
indeed, into a one-sided bargain, by which Russia was ta 

28 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

have an entirely free hand in Manchuria and yet be allowed 
to place restrictions on Japan's action in Korea. 

In the ensuing negotiations at Tokio the Japanese Govern- 
ment objected to the Russian Clause 7, quoted above, and 
in lieu therefor proposed : — 

7. Engagement on the part of Russia to respect China's sovereignty 
and territorial integrity in Manchuria, and not to interfere with 
Japan's commercial freedom in Manchuria. 

8. Recognition by Japan of Russia's special interests in Man- 
churia, and of the right of Russia to take such measures as may 
be necessary for the protection of those interests, so long as such 
measures do not infringe the stipulations of the preceding article. 

9. Mutual engagement not to impede the connexion of the Korean 
Railway and the East China Railway when those railways shall have 
been eventually extended to the Yalu. 

On October 22 it was stated by Baron Komura that no 
agreement could be reached as regards the Russian Clause 
7, the Russian view being that the question of Manchuria 
was one that concerned exclusively Russia and China, 
admitting of no interference on the part of any third Power. 
Japan, on the other hand, insisted that she possessed in 
Manchuria her treaty rights and commercial interests, and 
that she must obtain from Russia a guarantee for the security 
of those rights and interests, as well as of the independence 
of Korea, which would be constantly menaced by Russia's 
definitive occupation of Manchuria. 

It should here be stated that in the course of the pour-" 
parlers between Baron Rosen and Baron Komura the idea 
was broached of the establishment of a neutral zone ; and 
as there then seemed to be no serious impediment to this 
course, Japan was willing that a strip of territory, measuring 
fifty kilometres in depth, on either side of the Yalu river 
should be marked off as neutral ground, which was agreed 
by Baron Rosen ad referendum. When the counter-pro- 
posal was received, however, Russia insisted that the neutral 
zone should wholly be in Korea, south of the Yalu, and 
should comprise that part of the empire north of the 39th 
parallel. This meant that more than a third of the Korean 
Empire, including Port Lazareff and Gensan on the east 
coast, the large commercial centre of Ping- Yang, and the 
mining districts — in a word, some of the most valuable and 
strategical portions of the peninsula — should be neutralized 

29 



THE RISEN SUN 

at Russia's will and pleasure. This most outrageous pro- 
position evoked in Japan a perfect storm of indignation 
and protest. 

On the last day of October Baron Rosen seems to have 
found it needful to telegraph to St. Petersburg the full text 
of Japan's amendments, stating that they went beyond 
his instructions, and accordingly Mr. Kurino was directed 
to point out to Count Lamsdorff that, whilst Japan was 
prepared to admit that the Manchurian question, so far as 
it did not affect Japanese rights and interests, was purely 
a Russo-Chinese question, Japan had extensive and impor- 
tant rights and interests in that region, and that, if Japan 
were to be called upon to declare Manchuria to be outside 
her sphere of interest, she was at least entitled to ask for a 
correlative engagement on the part of Russia not to inter- 
fere with the commercial and residential rights and immuni- 
ties belonging to Japan, in virtue of her treaty engagements 
with China. 

A further delay of a fortnight was caused by Count 
Lamsdorff's absence from St. Petersburg, and then Mr. 
Kurino ascertained that it was still the Manchurian question 
which divided the two parties, Russia always regarding it 
as one exclusively concerning Russia and China, while 
Japan, in repudiating any intention of ignoring the special 
interests which Russia possessed in Manchuria, was, never- 
theless, resolved that the independence and territorial 
integrity of China should be respected, and the rights and 
interests of Japan in that region formally guaranteed. 
Count Lamsdorff assured Mr. Kurino that Russia's objection 
related to the form rather than the substance of Japan's 
proposal, and Mr. Kurino thereupon expressed his sorrow 
that an understanding could not be reached merely for 
lack of a suitable formula by which to bring the two Govern- 
ments to an arrangement, and ardently begged Count 
Lamsdorff to use his influence to bring about a satisfactory 
solution according to the principles already admitted by 
Russia. 

On November 21, Baron Rosen declared himself to be 
without instructions, and Mr. Kurino was directed to see 
Count Lamsdorff and urge the importance of expedition. 
A week passed, during which Count Lamsdorff was supposed 
to have had audience of the Tsar, and it then appeared^'that 

30 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

the audience had been postponed owing to the illness of the 
Empress. Meanwhile Count LamsdorS was understood to 
be in constant communication with Admiral Alexeieff . On 
various pretexts the issue of definite instructions to Baron 
Rosen, in spite of Mr. Kurino's repeated applications, was 
delayed, and at last, on December 9, it was said that orders 
had been sent to continue negotiations in Tokio on the 
basis of counter-proposals originating with Admiral Alexeieff. 
The nature of these became apparent when Baron Rosen, 
on December 12, called to see Baron Komura at the Tokio 
Foreign Office. Manchuria was completely ignored as 
before, and the proposals were found to have reference 
solely to Korea. On December 21 Japan asked Russia to 
reconsider the position, and begged for an early response. 

There was again a waste of time by Russia, and not 
until January 6 could anything in the nature of a reply be 
extracted, and then Japan was once more invited to declare 
Manchuria and its littoral as being outside her sphere of 
interests. Japan exerted herself in making her last and 
utmost concession, and, on January 13, virtually agreed 
to do this, provided Russia engaged herself to respect the 
territorial integrity of China in Manchuria, and not to 
impede Japan nor other Powers in the enjoyment of rights 
and privileges acquired by them under existing treaties 
with China — Russia to acknowledge, on the other hand, as 
was only fair, that Korea and its littoral were beyond the 
Russian sphere of interest. Japan was even willing to 
recognize Russia as having special interests in Manchuria, 
and as enjoying the right to take measures necessary for 
the protection of those interests. At the same time, Japan 
intimated to Russia that these were the results of " the most 
careful and serious consideration,'* and were "proposed 
entirely in a spirit of conciliation," and that she expected 
them to be received " with the same spirit." Ten days 
passed, and Mr. Kurino was directed to sound Count Lams- 
dorff respecting the probable nature of Russia's reply to 
this note, and when the reply would be delivered. The 
answer was that there were certain points to which Count 
Lamsdorff could not agree, but he hoped to send a reply 
before long. Baron Komura directed Mr. Kurino to urge 
that the situation admitted of no further delay. At this 
interview Count Lamsdorff complained, while regretting 

31 



THE RISEN SUN 

his inability to say when the answer would be ready, of 
Japan having sent troops and munitions of war into Korea, 
which was absolutely untrue. Baron Komura, on hearing 
of this, promptly instructed Mr. Kurino to give the state- 
ment an emphatic contradiction, and to inquire at the 
same time if it were true that Russian troops were being 
concentrated on the Korean frontier. Count Lamsdorfi 
accepted the Japanese Government's assurance, and denied 
that Russian troops were near the Yalu. Count Lamsdorff 
was further urged to name a date when the reply would be 
sent, and on January 28 he explained that, though he could 
not give the exact date, he thought that an answer would 
be sent on February 2. Mr. Kurino continued to press 
upon Count Lamsdorff the urgency of the case, adding in 
so many words that further prolongation of the then existing 
conditions was " not only undesirable, but rather danger- 
ous." " All the while the world was loud with rumours," 
he added, and expressed the hope that Count Lamsdorff 
would take special steps to have an answer sent at an earlier 
date than February 2. Count Lamsdorff repeated that 
he would do his best to send the reply on the date specified. 
Being directed by Baron Komura, Mr. Kurino once more 
urged Count Lamsdorff for an early reply in the evening 
of January 31, when he was told by the Count that it was 
impossible, and the exact date could not be fixed. Mr. 
Kurino's report reached Tokio the next day, and the position 
was gravely considered by the Government. 

In the evening of the 4th, at 8 p.m., Mr. Kurino saw Count 
Lamsdorff, who told him that the substance of the Russian 
answer had just been sent to Admiral Alexeieff to be trans- 
mitted to Baron Rosen. From the hint given Mr. Kurino 
by the Count, it was plain that there was no material change 
in the Russian attitude, even if the answer reached Japan 
in time, but it never did. Mr. Kurino's report about this 
interview reached Tokio February 5, 5.15 p.m. 

Meanwhile, at Tokio, February 2 came, but no Russian 
reply arrived, as was expected, and after further patient 
waiting, on February 5, at 2.15 p.m., Mr. Kurino was 
directed to address a signed note to Count Lamsdorff in 
the following terms : — 

The undersigned has the honour, in pursuance of instructions? 

32 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

from his Government, to address his Excellency the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs in these words : — — 

The Government of Japan regard the independence and terri- 
torial integrity of the Empire of Korea as essential to their own repose 
and safety, and they are consequently unable to view with indiffer- 
ence any action tending to render the position of Korea insecure. 

The successive rejections by the Imperial Russian Government, 
by means of inadmissible amendments of Japan's proposals respect- 
ing Korea, the adoption of which the Imperial Government regarded 
as indispensable to assure the independence and territorial integrity 
of the Korean Empire and to safeguard Japan's preponderating 
interests in the Peninsula, coupled with the successive refusals of the 
Russian Government to enter into engagements to respect China's 
territorial integrity in Manchuria, which is seriously menaced by 
their continued occupation of the province, notwithstanding their 
treaty engagements with China and their repeated assurances to 
other Powers possessing interests in those regions, have made it neces- 
sary for the Japanese Government seriously to consider what 
measures of self-defence they are called upon to take. 

In the presence of the delays which remain largely unexplained, 
and naval and military activities which it is difficult to reconcile with 
entirely pacific aims, the Imperial Government have exercised in 
the depending negotiations a degree of forbearance which they believe 
affords abundant proof of their loyal desire to remove from their 
relations with the Imperial Russian Government every cause for 
future misunderstanding. But finding in their efforts no prospect 
of securing an adhesion either to Japan's moderate and unselfish 
proposals, or to any other proposals likely to establish a firm and 
enduring peace in the Extreme East, the Imperial Government have 
no other alternative than to terminate the present futile negotia- 
tions. 

In adopting that course the Japanese Government reserve to 
themselves the right to take such independent action as they may 
deem best to consolidate and defend their menaced position, as well 
as to protect their established rights and legitimate interests. 

Diplomatic relations were therefore severed, another 
Note being addressed to the Count as directed by Baron 
Komura, and Mr. Kurino withdrew from St. Petersburg. 
Soon after the last instruction was given to Mr. Kurino, 
on the 5th, [the Japanese fleet was ordered to proceed from 
Sasebo, its base, to its objectives, and in the night of the 
8th the war, which was thus forced upon Japan, commenced 
at Port Arthur. 

In conclusion, it may be mentioned that the Japanese 
Government, in its genuine desire to avoid hostilities, went 
so far in the matter of concessions to Russia as directly to 
run the risk of arousing popular antagonism in Japan itself, 
and of jeopardizing the respect entertained for the nation 

^33 D 



THE RISEN SUN 

in other lands. Yet all the time Russia, whilst pretending 
to carry on negotiations which should make towards a 
lasting peace, was sending to the Orient all the warships 
she had ready, and brigade upon brigade of troops, in 
defiance of her promises given to all the Powers of the 
world. Russia's policy throughout was cynically and out- 
rageously insincere. Perhaps no more flagrant disregard 
of public opinion can be imagined than that of which Russia 
was guilty when, at the very moment when she ought, in 
fulfilment of her repeated pledges to Japan and the nations 
at large, to have been proceeding with the evacuation of 
Manchuria, an Imperial ukase appeared (August 13, 1903) 
conferring upon Admiral Alexeieff absolutely full powers 
over the army and navy and all branches of the adminis- 
tration as the Tsar's Viceroy in the Far East. The whole 
course of Russia's treatment of these grave matters 
was marked by a complete disregard of international 
courtesy and diplomatic usage, inasmuch as though the 
Government of Tokio endeavoured throughout to carry 
on its negotiations in the customary way with the Govern- 
ment of St. Petersburg, the Russian tactics were to introduce 
on all possible occasions an intermediary in the person of 
this " Viceroy in the Far East " — tactics which Japan, in 
her desire for peace, was willing to ignore, notwithstanding 
the natural resentment felt at their adoption by Russia. 

Russia's insincerity becomes more and more glaring when 
it is remembered that at the time of the Boxer troubles, 
Japan being about to send her troops to the relief of the 
Legations in Peking, Russia, in common with other Powers, 
expressed her gratification that Japan should do this, and 
went on to enlarge, in a Note to her representatives abroad, 
to be handed to the Governments to which they were 
respectively accredited, on the propriety of making it clear 
that the accomplishment of the task should not confer 
upon Japan the right to, an independent solution of matters 
at Peking, or any other privileges, save, perhaps, to a larger 
indemnity should the Powers, later on, consider it necessary 
to demand one. The Note proceeded to enunciate the funda- 
mental principles, which Russia considered, as having already 
been accepted by the majority of the Powers, to form the 
basis of their policy in China ; these principles were the main- 
tenance of the union between the Powers, the preservation of 

34 



JAPAN AND RUSSIA 

the existing system of government in China, the exclusion 
of anything that might lead to the partition of the Empire, 
and, finally, the re-establishment by common effort of a 
legitimate central power, itself capable of securing order 
and security to the country ; adding also that the firm 
establishment and strict observance of these principles 
were, in her opinion, absolutely indispensable to the attain- 
ment of the chief object — the maintenance of a lasting 
peace in the Far East. 

Despite all these solemn protestations, as has been amply 
demonstrated, Russia was ready at the first opportunity to 
cast all such assurances to the winds. 



35 



CHAPTER III 

HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR^ 
THE HISTORY OF SIX YEARS 
'"' Part I. 1898-1900 

IN this and the ensuing chapter an attempt will be made 
to furnish a complete history of the course of events 
which led to the gigantic war now being waged in the Far 
East. As I shall endeavour to show, it was brought about 
solely by the action of Russia. I have sought to make my 
narrative concise, but if it should strike the reader as being 
here and there a trifle tedious, I must earnestly crave indul- 
gence for the sake of the important bearing which the events 
recorded have had, and must continue to have, on the 
common interest of the civilized world. As regards the 
thorough accuracy of the statements herein made, I need 
only explain that they are based throughout upon the 
numerous State papers of the Powers concerned, and that 
my facts have one and all been gathered from these incon- 
testable sources of information. 

It is scarcely necessary to reiterate how Russia deprived 
Japan of her legitimate prize of war, the Liao-Tung Penin- 
sula, in 1895, and how, after the lapse of only a few years, 
she appropriated to herself the most important and strategi- 
cally valuable portion of that peninsula ; nor is it essential 
that I should relate how, in doing this, Russia outwitted 
England, and how the British Government was driven to 
exact from China a lease of Wei-Hai-Wei in consequence 
as a set-off to Russia's acquisition of Port Arthur and 
adjacent territory. It will suffice to remember that the 
lease of Port Arthur to Russia as a naval station was viewed 
by the British Government, and so declared in its diplomatic 
correspondence, as a " serious disturbance of and menace 

^ The Nmeteenth Century and After, September, 1904. 

36 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

to the balance of power in the Gulf of Pechili," and that 
as regard Wei-Hai-Wei the step taken by England was con- 
sidered by her as having been forced upon her by the actions 
of Russia. 

It is also perhaps needless to state that this acquisition 
of territory at Port Arthur was a direct self-contradiction 
of the theory that Russia had advanced, less than three 
years before, when she had urged Japan to give up that 
region, on the plea that the " possession of the peninsula 
of Liao-Tung, claimed by Japan, would be a constant 
menace to the capital of China, would at the same time 
render illusory the independence of Korea, and would 
henceforth be a perpetual obstacle to the permanent peace 
of the Far East." 

The agreement for the cession of the " Kwantung Penin- 
sula " and Port Arthur was first signed in Peking on 
March 27, 1898, and was afterwards supplemented by 
another agreement signed in St. Petersburg on May 7 of the 
same year.^ On the day that the first agreement was signed 
the Russian Government suddenly made the following 
communication to the Powers : — 

In virtue of the Agreement signed on the 15th (27th) March in 
Peking by the Representatives of Russia and the members of the 
Tsung-li Yamen, as respective Plenipotentiaries, Port Arthur and 
Tahen-Wan, as well as the adjoining territory, have been ceded by 
the Chinese Government for the use of Russia. 

You are instructed to communicate the above to the Government 
to which you are accredited, and to add that the above-mentioned 
ports and territory will be occupied without delay by the forces of 
his Imperial Majesty, our august Monarch, and that the Russian 
flag, together with the Chinese, will be hoisted in them. 

You can at the same time inform the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
that Port Talien-Wan will be opened to foreign commerce, and that 
the ships of all friendly nations will there meet with the most wide 
hospitality. 

These Agreements provided for the cession of Port Arthur 
and Talien-Wan, as well as of the adjacent territory, for 
the use of Russia during a term of twenty-five years, 
which might be prolonged indefinitely by mutual arrange- 
ment, and for the construction of branches of railways 

1 A secret treaty was also signed then between Russia and China 
the aim of which was against Japan, and the newly contemplated 
Eastern Chinese Railway was to be used for that purpose. 

37 



THE RISEN SUN 

to connect the ports with the main Trans-Siberian Railway, 
No vessels, whether warships or merchantmen, of any 
nations but Russia and China were to be allowed access to 
Port Arthur ; no subjects of other Powers were to be granted 
concessions for their use in the " neutral ground," which 
included the territory forming part of the Liao-Tung Penin- 
sula to the north of the portion actually leased to Russia, 
as far as Kai-chau on the north coast, and the mouth of 
the Ta-Yang River — i.e. Takushan — on the south coast. 
No ports on the seacoasts east or west of the neutral ground 
were to be opened to the trade of other Powers, nor might 
any road or mining concessions, industrial or mercantile 
privileges, be granted in the neutral territory without 
Russia's consent first being obtained. 

It is now an open secret that M. Hanotaux, at that time 
Foreign Minister of France, advised the Russian Govern- 
ment not to make Port Arthur a naval station, and that 
M. Witte, then the Finance Minister of Russia, was some- 
what of the same opinion ; but even the trifling element 
of moderation thus counselled went unheeded, and the 
Russian official organ, at the time that the Peking Agreement 
was signed, was encouraged, on the other hand, to indulge 
in the most extravagant utterances. Thus the Novoe 
Vremya wrote on April 6, 1898, substantially as follows : — 

Russia has the right to carry a line of railway from TaHen-Wan 
along the western shore of the Liao-Tung peninsula to any point she 
may choose. The construction of a line to the west is as necessary 
for us as the construction of one to the east, along the northern shore 
of the Korean Gulf to the town of Yi-ju on the river Yalu, whence a 
French company has obtained the right to construct a line to the 
south on to Seoul. If the Russian Government do not find it neces- 
sary to acquire the railway from Chemulpho to Seoul, constructed 
by the American Morse and passing now into Japanese hands, it only 
shows our conviction that we shall possess our own rail from Manchu- 
ria to the capital of Korea. Such a line would be most advantageous 
to Japanese commerce and interests, and the Japanese Government, 
who are doing all they can to promote their trade, must choose 
between a risky game of political influence in Korea or the sale of 
their product in Korea and Manchuria under the Russian flag and 
protected by Russian bayonets. The construction of a Russian rail- 
way in Manchuria must at last open the eyes of Japan to the advan- 
tage of an understanding with Russia, which might save her from a 
financial crash and be advantageous to her southern population, 
which is compelled from poverty to emigrate. Let Japan play the 
commercial, while Russia plays the political role. . . . Common 

38 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

action between Russia and Japan might further hold England back 
from her risky enterprises in the Gulf of Pechili, which is the 
natural sphere of Russian influence. England always wants some 
contribution to her own advantage on every political step forward 
which Russia makes. If England takes Wei-Hai-Wei, she will see 
Russia demanding extensions of territory in Central Asia ; the roles 
will be changed, and Russia will demand a heavy percentage for every 
English acquisition. Such a step would undoubtedly check the 
appetites of English politicians. 

Again, the same paper went so far as to declare in the 
next issue that the treaty of 1895 (Anglo -Russian) ought 
to be regarded as being no longer in force. 

There was, however, one thing worth noting — that was 
that, according to the best authority accessible, this agree- 
ment contained some provisions by which Chinese sover- 
eignty in the localities indicated was guaranteed, and also 
that the railway concession therein referred to was " never 
to be used as a pretext for enroachment on Chinese territory, 
nor to be allowed to interfere with Chinese authority or 
interests." 

On June i, 1898, the Russian Charge d" Affaires intimated, 
in the form of a circular to all his foreign colleagues at the 
Chinese capital, that by Count Mouravieff' s order " pass- 
ports were obligatory for Port Arthur and Talien-Wan," 
which occasioned great controversy, inasmuch as it was 
wholly inconsistent with the treaty rights of the other 
Powers for Russia to make such a stipulation ; but she con- 
trived, on one pretext and another, to evade the issue, and 
the question was allowed to drag on without a complete 
settlement being reached. 

The anti-Christian movement in North China, otherwise 
the Boxer troubles, of 1900 was a great turning-point in 
Far Eastern affairs. In the presence of this tremendous 
upheaval the concerns of Port Arthur and Talien-Wan 
waned almost into insignificance ; and while these grave 
matters fell into comparative oblivion an excellent oppor- 
tunity was given to Russia of playing off her tricky diplomacy 
and selfish efforts at aggrandisement to the detriment of 
other Powers. True it may be that what she said and did 
may not always have been intended to deceive ah initio, 
but the results were the same. The Boxer troubles began 
in the early part of the year named, and by the beginning 
of June had assumed an alarming aspect. All the Powers 

39 



THE RISEN SUN 

did their best to cope with the emergency, and sent ships 
and landed marines to the fullest extent available. But 
from the very nature of the locality, the distance away, and 
the limited numbers of the forces at command, the measures 
taken were far from being effective. Japan was the only 
Power that could efficiently cope with the difficulty, and 
she was almost universally appealed to by public opinion 
at large to cast in her lot with the Christian nations against 
the Boxers by taking the foremost part in the measures 
designed for their suppression. 

On June 13, therefore, Viscount Aoki, who was then 
Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, intimated through 
the British Charge d^ Affaires to the British Government 
that " if the foreign naval detachments which had actually 
been landed should be surrounded or otherwise in danger, 
the Japanese Government would be ready to send at once 
a considerable force to their relief if her Majesty's Govern- 
ment concurred in such a course, but that otherwise his 
Government did not intend to send soldiers," similar intima- 
tions being given to the representatives at Tokio of other 
great Powers interested. 

This resolution of the Japanese Government was ascrib- 
able purely to their consideration of the claims of a common 
humanity, and beneath it were hidden no political or selfish 
motives or designs. The prevailing sentiment in Japan 
was still more plainly set forth in the statement of Mr. 
Matsui, Japanese Charge d' Affaires in London, to Lord 
Salisbury on June 25, when it was declared that, for the 
despatch of a considerable force from Japan, " some assur- 
ance would be required that there was no objection on the 
part of other Governments which have interests in the 
East." Japan's unselfishness was demonstrated, too, in 
Viscount Aoki's words to the British Charge d' Affaires, 
when he modestly said that " although Japan had made 
great progress, she was not yet in a position to take an inde- 
pendent line of action in so grave a crisis. It was impera- 
tive for her to work in line with other Powers." 

Japan entered upon the difficult task assigned to her in 
this spirit, and she acquitted herself, it is believed, thoroughly 
to the satisfaction of the Western Powers. By Great 
Britain, at all events, a generous acknowledgment of her 
services was conveyed in the following telegram, despatched 

40 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

by Lord Salisbury to the British Charge d' Affaires in Tokio 
on the completion of the operations undertaken for the 
rescue of the Peking Legations : — 

As her Majesty's Government specially pressed for the action of 
Japan in sending forces to effect the relief of the Legations, I think 
you may, without presumption, express to the Minister for Foreign 
Affairs their earnest admiration of the gallantry and efficiency dis- 
played by the Japanese forces in the present operations, which 
contributed to the success of the expedition so very largely. (August 25, 
1900.) 

But to take up again the thread of our argument. After 
Japan's indication of her readiness to comply with the 
desire expressed that she should send troops, diplomatic 
correspondence took place between the Powers with much 
expedition, and there was found not one that did not 
appreciate the expediency of the step to be taken by 
Japan, though there was already a somewhat sinister tone 
perceptible in the Russian despatch, sent to Japan about 
June 28, wherein this passage appeared : — 

We can only highly appreciate the sentiments expressed by Japan 
in present circumstances, as also her view of Chinese affairs. We 
have no desire to hinder her liberty of action, particularly after her 
expression of a firm intention to conform her action to that of the 
other Powers. 

On July 4 the Marquis of Salisbury telegraphed to Mr. 
Whitehead, British Charge d' Affaires at Tokio, after repeat- 
ing Admiral Seymour's alarming telegram, as follows : — 

This telegram indicates a position of extreme gravity. You should 
communicate at once to Japanese Ministers. Japan is the only 
Power which can send rapid reinforcements to Tien-tsin. No object- 
tion has been raised by any European Power to this course. 

Barely two days later, on July 6, the British Govern- 
ment reiterated its pressing request to Japan, and at the 
same time offered financial aid, the Marquis of Salisbury 
telegraphing to Mr. Whitehead thus :— 

Japan is the only Power which can act with any hope of success 
for the urgent purpose of saving the Legations ; and, if they delay, 
heavy responsibility must rest with them. We are prepared to 
furnish any financial assistance which is necessary, in addition to 
our forces already on the spot. 

With regard to this financial assistance Lord Salisbury 

41 



THE RISEN SUN 

explained to Mr. Whitehead that the British Government 
was prepared to undertake the responsibHty because inter- 
national negotiations would only result in a fatal expen- 
diture of time. On the same day Japan signified her inten- 
tion of despatching as rapidly as possible a considerable 
force, sufficient, with those troops which she had already 
sent, to bring her total up to twenty thousand men. But 
with regard to financial aid, Japan did not, after all, desire 
it, as she considered that the task that she was then under- 
taking was a purely voluntary one for the common benefit 
of humanity, and, moreover, she stood in no immediate 
need of such assistance. 

About the middle of the month (July, 1900) Russia sub- 
mitted to the great Powers, including Japan, notes verbales 
embodying what she was pleased to term " fundamental 
principles.'* The date on which these notes reached the 
Powers was generally July 13, or thereabouts, and the 
purport was one and the same. In the case of Japan, 
however, it bore the date July 8, and was handed by 
the Russian Minister to Viscount Aoki only on the 20th 
of that month. The English translation of the text given 
to Lord Salisbury is appended in full, as the subject is of 
the highest importance : 

On the nth of June our Minister at Tokio informed us that the 
Japanese Government had declared their readiness, in consideration 
of the perilous situation at Peking, to send their troops to China, 
with a view to saving, conjointly with the other States, the represen- 
tatives of the Powers who were besieged in Peking, and to rescuing 
the foreigners resident in the Empire, among whom are many Jap- 
anese subjects. Any co-operation, anything tending to the attain- 
ment of the object indicated, could only meet with the most 
sympathetic reception from all the Powers. Moreover, Japan being 
able, thanks to geographical conditions, by the despatch of a con- 
siderable contingent to facilitate essentially the task of the interna- 
tional detachments already at Tien-tsin, we hastened to inform the 
Cabinet at Tokio that we saw no reason to interfere with their liberty 
of action in this respect, especially as they have expressed their firm 
resolution of acting in complete harmony with the other Powers. 
The decision taken by the Japanese Government, under the above- 
mentioned conditions, was a very natural one, in consideration of 
the danger which menaced their representatives at Peking, as well as 
their numerous subjects resident in China ; but from our point of 
view the accomplishment of this task could not confer the right to 
an independent solution of matters at Peking, or other privileges, 
with the exception, perhaps, of a larger pecuniary indemnity, should 
the Powers consider it necessary, later on, to demand one. 

42 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

We received almost simultaneously a communication on this 
subject from the Cabinet of London, which had reference, not to a 
spontaneous decision on the part of the Cabinet at Tokio to partici- 
pate in the collective action of the Powers, but to a mission given by 
Europe to Japan to send considerable forces to China, not only to 
save the Legations and the foreign subjects, but with a view to the 
suppression of the insurrectionary movement provoked by the 
Boxers and the re-establishment of order at Peking and Tien-tsin. 

This way of putting the question might, in our opinion, to a cer- 
tain extent encroach on the fundamental principles which had already 
been accepted by the majority of the Powers as the bases of their 
policy relative to events in China — that is to say, the maintenance 
of the union between the Powers ; the maintenance of the existing 
system of government in China ; the exclusion of anything which 
might lead to the partition of the Empire ; finally, the re-establish- 
ment by common effort of a legitimate central Power, itself capable 
of assuring order and security to the country. The firm establish- 
ment and strict observance of these fundamental principles are, in 
our opinion, absolutely indispensable to the attainment of the chief 
object : the maintenance of a lasting peace in the Far East. 

The Imperial Government considers that, in view of the threaten- 
ing events in China, which concern the vital interests of the Powers, 
it is urgently necessary to avoid any misunderstanding or omission 
which might have still more dangerous consequences. 



Broadly speaking, it appears to be true that the " funda- 
mental principles " enunciated by Russia were the nearest 
approach to the ideas entertained at that time by the Powers 
in general, though none of the Powers seem to have been able 
to shape any clear insight as to the eventualities of the 
whole affair ; not one of them entertained any thought of 
partitioning out the Chinese Empire. America had made 
public her views on this point early that month, and Russia, 
on being consulted by China, had expressed her willingness, 
so the Chinese Minister in London assured Lord Salisbury, 
to guarantee the integrity of the Chinese Empire, though 
her underlying intentions may, as we now can perceive, 
have been very different from those on the surface. As 
to Great Britain, she was from the first, as also were others 
of the Powers, firmly resolved upon the maintenance of 
Chinese territorial integrity. 

There were, however, two points in the above-quoted 
Russian communication that specially invite comment. 
The first is that the claim which she put forward that her 
" fundamental principles " had already been accepted by a 
majority of the Powers was altogether presumptuous and un- 

43 



THE RISEN SUN 

warrantable, for there had not then been any formal exchange 
of views between the Powers on the subject. The second 
point is that the British suggestion of an invitation to Japan 
to send troops to China was interpreted by Russia as tending 
to confer upon Japan some shadowy " special rights " or 
privileges. On this latter point the statement made by 
Count Lamsdorff to the German Ambassador, and also 
to the British, a few days previously, had been much 
stronger, for he had spoken to the effect that there were 
grave objections to the giving of a " mandate " for indepen- 
dent action to any one Power in the face of so grave a crisis. 
As a matter of fact, there was not the slightest foundation 
for the insinuation that such a mandate was either sought 
by Japan or proposed by England ; and the British Govern- 
ment, at all events, was indisposed to permit this wrongful 
suggestion to pass unchallenged. A brisk interchange of 
diplomatic correspondence between the Powers ensued on 
these two points, and in the end the incident was allowed 
to drop on Count Lamsdorff giving the following explana- 
tion as reported by the British Ambassador, viz. : — 

His Excellency (Count Lamsdorff) said that it was his wish to 
clear the Russian Government at once from the odious and entirely 
undeserved charge that they had hesitated to accept Japan's assis- 
tance, and had thereby assumed the grave responsibility of hindering 
the prompt relief of the Legations. This charge had been insinuated 
in the Press and other quarters. His Excellency admitted that in 
the message which I communicated to him no mention had been made 
of any European mandate to Japan for independent action, and that 
co-operation was indicated in the arguments used by me, but he said 
that at Berlin your Lordship's question had been understood to 
imply an European mandate, and that it was possible to so interpret 
the words used : " An expedition to restore order at Peking and Tien- 
tsin, if Japan is willing to undertake the task." Although the mis- 
understanding had been promptly cleared up, unjust deductions had 
been drawn by the public Press, and it ought to have been made quite 
clear by the instructions sent to the Russian Minister at Tokio that 
all available prompt assistance from Japan, equally with the Powers 
concerned in meeting the common danger, would be gladly welcomed 
by Russia. 

As a result of this incident, however, Russia remained even 
more solemnly pledged than ever to what she had declared 
to the world and to what she herself termed the " funda- 
mental principles," and Japan proceeded promptly and 
whole-heartedly with the work asked of her, in concert with 

44 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

the Occidental Powers. It should be a matter of no slight 
interest to the reader to discover, as he will presently do, 
that the propagator and disseminator of these sublime 
*' fundamental principles " was the first to try to frustrate 
their useful application, and that it was the Power against 
which an effort had been made to arouse and foment dis- 
trust that proved to be honest and patient in the execution 
of the task which it undertook to perform. 

The siege of the Legations in Peking, and the narrative of 
the expedition of the combined forces for their rescue, form 
a history with which every one is now familiar, and there is 
scarcely any need here to relate how Sir Claude MacDonald 
was placed in supreme charge of the defences by his colleagues 
how he gave to Lieutenant- Colonel Shiba, a young Japanese 
officer, command of a most important point, or how Sir 
Claude subsequently commended this officer for his skilful 
dispositions, and as having contested every inch of the 
ground at the most critical moment, thereby gaining time 
for the defences to be placed in thorough order, which was 
one direct cause of the success ultimately achieved, and of 
the preservation of many lives in a period of unexampled 
danger ; nor is it needful further to allude to the splendid 
organization of the international expeditionary forces, and 
the conspicuous part that the Japanese played therein 
during the advance to the Chinese capital. Suffice it to 
say that, as a whole, the march to the succour of the be- 
leaguered foreign residents, and the final success and triumph 
over the forces of disorder and fanaticism, were episodes 
in the world's history and efforts in the cause of humanity 
which Time will be slow to efface, whilst at the same 
time the complete concord and sincerity of all the nations 
engaged in this undertaking — save for the barbarity which 
was displayed by the Russian troops, as was much com- 
mented upon at the time, and also save for the one black 
shadow that at times obtruded itself, as will be shown here- 
after — were at once unprecedented and beneficent. The 
malign influence that began to make itself felt was due to 
Russia's having, even at this early stage, begun to betray 
something of her innate disposition to play an unworthy 
part ; for early in July Russian troops had occupied the 
south bank of the Amur, opposite Blagovestchensk, under 
the trifling pretence that the Chinese had been guilty of 

45 



THE RISEN SUN 

some offence, of which, in reahty, the Russians had been 
the cause by their own provocative behaviour. They had, 
moreover, perpetrated that appalhng massacre of the Chinese 
before which the whole civiHzed world stood aghast. It was 
on that occasion that — as Count Tolstoi incidentally describes 
in his recent remarkable letter — thousands of helpless men, 
women, and children were drowned or slaughtered by the 
Russians in compliance with the Russian Commander 
Gribsky's orders, he acting, as he declared, in consonance 
with Imperial decree. 

Though the contingent which Russia sent to take part 
in the Peking Expedition was comparatively small, she 
despatched large numbers — though less than one-third of 
the number she pretended when she claimed compensation 
— of her troops into the three provinces of the Chinese 
Empire comprised under the head of Manchuria. Early 
in August she occupied the treaty port of Newchwang, 
hoisted the Russian flag, possessed herself of the Customs 
department, and began to collect revenue for her own 
purposes — an intrusion for which there was absolutely no 
justification — and she at the same time seized the railway 
between Newchwang and the Great Wall, of which more 
anon. 

Russia's proceedings in Manchuria continued to be of 
this high-handed and unscrupulous character, until at last, 
in September, they had reached the pitch of celebrating a 
grand feast on the site of the Chinese town of Sakalin, 
previously burned in July, and which they had renamed 
Ilinsky, on the south bank of the Amur, in honour of the 
" relief," as they chose to designate it, of Blagovestchensk. 
The Novoe Vremya, in a telegram from that place, thus 
described this indecent and blasphemous function : — 

To-day, on the Chinese bank of the Amur, on the ashes of Sakalin, 
a solemn thanksgiving service in memory of the relief of this place 
by the Russian forces, together with the ceremony of re-naming the 
post lUnsky, was held, in the presence of the authorities, the army, 
the English officer, Bigham, and a large crowd of people. The High 
Priest KonoplofE said : '* Now is the Cross raised on that bank of the 
Amur which yesterday was Chinese. Mouravieff foretold that sooner 
or later this bank would be ours." In a beautiful speech General 
Gribsky congratulated the victorious troops. (September 7.) 

Let us now see what Russia was doing all this time in 
the devious paths of her diplomacy. 

46 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

When, in July, the idea of concentrating the general 
command of the international forces was mooted on the 
Continent, an idea which crystallized into the determination 
to despatch the German general. Count von Waldersee, to 
China, Russia, referring to the importance of the " ulterior 
military measures," and expressing herself as averse to 
the selection of a commander either on account of his 
seniority of rank among the generals in command, or the 
greater size of the contingent that he might control, invited 
the opinion of the interested Powers. The trend of her 
lurking motive was sufficiently obvious, and any effort on 
my part to expose it would now be superfluous. When, 
moreover, further explanations were sought from Count 
Lamsdorff by Great Britain concerning the " ulterior 
military measures " that Russia appeared to have in mind, 
and as to the suggested scope of the authority to be delegated 
to this generalissimo, the British Ambassador was informed 
that the field of action of the international forces might in 
practice be roughly defined as the province of Pechili, 
and that as regards other parts of China where dangers 
might equally be present, it was clear that the direction 
of any necessary military measures would have to be under- 
taken independently. " For instance, Russia would have 
to undertake independent military action in the north of 
China bordering on her own territory and on her railway, 
and it was to be assumed that other Powers would act 
similarly in the south and centre of China where their own 
territorial and special interests were more immediately 
concerned." 

At a casual glance this proposal seemed to be very fair, but 
it was not difficult to perceive the specious nature of the 
arrangement that was veiled by these suggestions. Never- 
theless, one thing was certain — namely, that if independent 
action should be taken, no matter in what part of China, 
it could not but be subject to the restrictions involved in 
the application of the broad line of policy which Russia 
had herself enunciated under the head of " fundamental 
principles," and to which she stood committed in the eyes 
of all the world. 

On August 14, 1900, the international forces entered 
Peking, and the Legations were relieved. Eight days 
later, on the 22nd of the month. Sir Charles Scott, by the 

47 



THE RISEN SUN 

direction of Lord Salisbury, inquired of Count Lamsdorff 
about the affair at Newchwang, concerning which certain 
information, implying Russian aggression, had reached 
the British Government on the 20th. Count Lamsdorff 
at once replied that " any steps taken could only be of a 
provisional and temporary nature," but at the same time 
he promised to " inquire what were the real facts of the case." 
But with what result ? 

On August 28, and during the next few days, identical 
communications were addressed by Russia to all the inter- 
ested Powers, and the text of these despatches reads very 
like an attempt " to kill two birds with one stone." It 
began with a repetition of the time-honoured declaration 
that she remained faithful to the " fundamental principles " 
which she had proposed to the Powers as a basis of common 
action, and announced her intention strictly to adhere in 
the future to the programme laid down therein. The 
despatch went on to state that the occupation of Newchwang 
and the sending of troops into Manchuria had been forced 
upon Russia by the progress of events, such as the attack 
by the rebels on Russian troops at Newchwang and the 
hostilities begun by the Chinese along the Russian frontier, 
and had been dictated solely by the absolute necessity of 
repelling the aggression of the Chinese rebels, and not in 
any way with interested motives, " which were absolutely 
foreign to the policy of the Imperial Government." 

Directly the pacification of Manchuria was attained [the communi- 
cation continued], and the necessary measures had been taken to 
ensure the security of the railroad, Russia would not fail to with- 
draw her troops from Chinese territory, provided that such action 
did not meet with obstacles caused by the proceedings of other 
Powers. 

The communication then proceeded to state that in 
occupying Peking the first and most important object — 
namely, the rescue of the Legations and of the foreigners 
besieged in Peking— had been attained. The second 
object — namely, that of rendering assistance to China in 
the restoration of order and the re-establishment of regular 
relations with the Powers — had been hindered by the absence 
of the Chinese Court from Peking. In these circumstances 
the Russian Government saw no reason for the Legation 

48 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

to remain in Peking, and proposed to withdraw it to Tien- 
tsin, together with the Russian troops, whose presence in 
Peking now became useless in view of the decision taken 
not to exceed the Hmits of the task which, it was alleged, 
Russia had undertaken at the beginning of the disorders. 

This communication served mainly to augment on all 
sides the growing suspicion regarding Russia's sincerity of 
purpose. It was all very well for her to repeat, as she did 
so often, the avowal of her " fundamental principles," but 
the vital question was whether or not she honestly intended 
herself to be bound by them. The phrase " unless she is 
prevented by the action of other Powers," which was more 
than once employed, was one to engender a certain amount 
of distrust. It could receive no other interpretation than, 
as the sequel proved, that it was an artful provision of a way 
of escape from the obligations of her pledges, for what other 
Power could there be disposed to hinder Russia, so long as 
she should remain faithful to her own promises ? 

As to the proposal to withdraw her Legation as well as 
her troops — which, by the way, she promptly did, without 
waiting for the other Powers' concurrence — Peking had only 
a fortnight or so previously been rescued from a terrible 
fate, and the views entertained by other Governments were 
that there was still a great risk to be run in a too speedy 
evacuation of the Chinese capital ; but Russia held to her 
own course with great tenacity. Her attitude towards the 
restoration of the Chinese Government, moreover, was 
almost inconsistent with the principles to which she osten- 
tatiously professed, in the earlier part of the communication, 
to adhere, and in sober truth her behaviour cannot be 
considered otherwise than as having purposely protracted 
the unsettled state of things in Central China in order that 
she might gain time for the establishment of a firm hold upon 
Manchuria. . ^| 

Diplomatic correspondence was, of course, entered upon 
with alacrity, and I may here give the essence of the Ameri- 
can reply to Russia's communication, for it seems to have 
embodied precisely the sentiments that were^ generally 
entertained among the Powers. It expressed satisfaction 
with the reiterated declaration of Russia that she enter- 
tained no design of territorial aggrandizement at China's 
expense, and also that assurances were forthcoming about 

49 E 



THE RISEN SUN 

the occupancy of Newchang, which Russia had explained 
was merely incidental to military steps, so that the Russian 
troops would be withdrawn from the treaty port as soon as 
order should be re-established. It referred to the important 
tasks yet remaining, such as the restoration of order, the 
safety and general peace of China, and the preservation 
of the Chinese territorial and administrative entity, pro- 
tection of all rights guaranteed by treaty and international 
law to friendly Powers, and the safeguard for the world 
underlying the principle of equal and impartial trade with 
all parts of the Chinese Empire, and it proceeded to state 
that these purposes could best be attained by continuing 
the joint occupation of Peking. Next it laid stress upon 
the importance of the Powers maintaining their concord, 
thus indirectly expressing disapproval of Russia's attitude. 

On August 29, just after Russia had sent round the above- 
mentioned communication to the Powers, Count Lamsdorff, 
in a long conversation with the British Ambassador, spoke 
most forcibly of the Russian determination to adhere to 
the so-called " fundamental principles," and went on to 
remark that " it had been assumed that Russia was taking 
advantage of the present crisis to extend her territory 
and influence at the cost of China by permanently occupying 
territory on the right bank of the Amur in Manchuria, and 
at Newchwang, and by seizing control of the Customs and 
lines of railway in which foreign capital was interested. 
This was entirely incorrect. Russia had no such intention, 
and any places which she had been obliged by the attack 
of Chinese rebels on her frontier to occupy temporarily, 
she intended, when the status quo ante and order were 
re-established, to restore to their former position." 

One may well be reminded of Ben Jonson's lines : 

The dignity of truth is lost 
With much protesting. 

On September 11, Sir Charles Scott announced, by Lord 
Salisbury's directions, to Count Lamsdorff, that in the 
opinion of her Majesty's Government the time when it 
would be expedient to withdraw the British forces from 
Peking had not arrived. It would appear that about this 
period public comment grew in intensity with the deepening 
of the obscurity in which the Russian motives and designs 

50 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

were enshrouded, and it was, we may fairly assume, with a 
wish to allay this increasing uneasiness that Count Lams- 
dorff begged Sir Charles Scott to make it clear to the British 
Government that the different course Russia had decided 
upon was not in any way to be taken as indicating the 
slightest intention of separating herself from the general 
action of the Powers, and that she had chosen that course 
on her part as she considered it desirable to have her troops 
as well as her Minister as soon as possible in a position where 
communication with their Government would be easy and 
rapid. He also asserted that the Emperor (of Russia) was 
more firmly determined than ever to continue in loyal co- 
operation with all the other Powers, and to abide by his 
agreement with them as to common aim and direction, and 
the Russian action and aims would be faithfully kept within 
the limits of the statement made in Count Lamsdorff' s own 
circular, and, further, that there was nothing more foreign 
to the Emperor's mind than to entertain the selfish aims 
or motives for his action with which certain foreign news- 
papers had credited him. 

When, on September 13, the British Ambassador called 
the attention of Count Lamsdorff to the report of the cele- 
bration of the so-called " relief of Blagovestchensk," des- 
cribed in a preceding page, criticizing it as contrary to the 
expressed views of Russia, Count Lamsdorff begged the 
British representative to take no further notice of that 
action on the part of a military commander, and went 
on to confirm the assurances of the Russian Government's 
intention not to make territorial acquisitions in China. He 
urged in explanation of the proceedings at Blagovestchensk 
that distances were so great and means of communication 
so few that it was not easy to keep the authorities in distant 
parts of the Empire in touch with the views of the Central 
Government. 

Truly this was explanation a la Russe ! 

While discussions of this kind were taking place in St. 
Petersburg, more audacious acts were continually being 
perpetrated in Manchuria itself. On August 17, a code of 
rules and regulations was published in the Amur Gazette, 
in the name of Lieut. -General Gribsky, the Military Gover- 
nor, by which the Manchu territory of the Trans-Zeya, and 
the territory that had been occupied by the Russian troops 

51 



THE RISEN SUN 

on the right bank of the Amur, were proclaimed as having 
passed into the jurisdiction of the Russian authorities. 
The Chinese who had quitted the river bank for the Trans- 
Zeya region were forbidden to return, and their lands were 
appropriated to the exclusive use of Russian colonists. All 
private individuals were absolutely forbidden to settle in 
the former towns of Ai-gun and Sakalin — both on the 
Manchurian side of the frontier — as also in their vicinity. 
The re-establishment of these towns was interdicted, and 
the Chinese buildings which had remained in them unde- 
molished were to be devoted to the warehousing of military 
stores and the quartering within their walls of Russian 
troops. 

Such being the case, it was surely not to be wondered at 
that in some of the Continental organs it was declared that 
Russia had annexed the conterminous Manchurian terri- 
tories. An official denial was published on October i, in 
the Messager Officiel, to the effect that the report of the 
annexation was entirely devoid of foundation. It is pos- 
sible that some of the acts of the military authorities had 
not obtained the full concurrence of the Foreign Office at 
St. Petersburg, but the general trend of Russian policy was 
sufficiently clear, and in the first week of October the whole 
of Manchuria was in the possession of Russia, including the 
palace of Mukden and the Ying-Kow terminus of the Shan- 
haikwan Railway, over which the Russian flag was hoisted, 
not to speak of most public offices and all telegraph wires 
and establishments. 

It may be worth remembering that when the Russian 
troops occupied Newchwang and hoisted the Russian 
flag at the Customs flagstaff, the consuls of Great Britain, 
America, and Japan sent a formal notice to the Russian 
authorities that it was presumed this step had been taken 
as a temporary measure only, and was due to military 
exigencies, and that they claimed the reservation of all rights 
and privileges which their countries enjoyed. Admiral 
Alexeieff officially replied that the temporary adminis- 
tration which Russia was about to establish there was in the 
interests of the foreign residents in general, as well as the 
Russians, and that the rights and privileges they had enjoyed 
in the settlement (Ying-Kow) would not be infringed. The 
administration was established, but it was neither of a 

52 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

temporary character nor dictated by considerations of 
military expediency. It did not cease until long after even 
a pretence of its necessity could with decency be put for- 
ward — in fact, it was never relinquished until the end of 
July of this year, when military considerations of another 
kind prompted its hurried evacuation. 

In this connexion it may not be inappropriate to recall 
briefly some incidents illustrative of Russia's high-handed 
proceedings concerning the Chinese railway joining Peking 
with Shanhaikwan and Newchwang. 

On July 8, 1900, the Russians seized this railway at Tein- 
tsin, and turned out Mr. Claude W. Kinder and his staff. 
Eight days afterwards, on July 16, at a Council of Admirals 
convened on board H.B.M.S. Centurion at Taku at the 
instance of Admiral Alexeieff, it was decided by the majority 
that the railway between Tongku and Tien-tsin should be 
managed and guarded by the Russians, who were then in 
occupation, on condition that it should be given over to 
the former administration as soon as military circumstances 
would permit. It should not be forgotten that the construc- 
tion of the Peking and Newchwang line of railway was chiefly 
provided for by British capital, and British interests were 
therefore largely involved — the line is, indeed, with some 
exceptions, mortgaged to British bondholders — and it is, 
moreover, a fact that Russia recognized this at the very 
outset. The British Government, however, expressed to 
the Russian Government its acquiescence in the above-men- 
tioned decision of the Council of Admirals on the ground that 
it was an arrangement resorted to solely in compliance with 
the demands of military exigency. 

Previously to this the Russians had, on June 18, occupied 
that part of the foreign settlement in which are situated the 
railway offices. Thence they removed and shipped to Port 
Arthur a quantity of tools and appliances that were the 
property of the railway administration, and, not content 
with having done this, they broke open the safes, causing 
the loss of a considerable sum of money, and destroyed the 
archives. Finally, on the 28th of the month, they set fire 
to the offices, and the premises were entirely consumed in 
the flames. 

Russia's next step was to claim the right herself to recon- 
struct the railroad from Tien-tsin to Peking, declaring that 

53 



THE RISEN SUN 

the whole of the Hne had been turned over to her by the 
above-mentioned Council of Admirals. This was totally 
at variance with fact, as the minutes of that meeting dis- 
tinctly proved, for the action of Russia was expressly limited 
to the section between Tein-tsin and Tongku. To prefer 
an unjust claim and immediately to act upon it was the 
normal course of procedure to be expected of the Russians, 
and accordingly we find that they began forthwith to occupy 
various points on the route and even to occupy the terminus 
at Peking the moment that the Chinese capital was entered 
by the allied relieving forces on August 14. In short, as the 
British and Chinese Corporation justly complained, the 
Russian occupation of the northern railway was progressing 
so rapidly at that time and in such a manner as to give rise 
to the most serious apprehensions that there was a design to 
make the line a permanent Russian possession. 

When, on August 30, the British troops occupied Feng-tai 
railway station, and proceeded, in conjunction with the 
Japanese, to repair the line between Feng-tai and Yang- 
tsun, the Russians objected to this being done, and posted 
a detachment in front of Feng-tai depot. Three weeks 
afterwards, on September 23, they went so far as to tender 
a formal protest and request for the withdrawal of the 
British forces on the ground that the entire line had been 
handed over to the Russians, the Russian commander 
assuring the British General, Sir A. Gaselee, that an Imperial 
(Russian) decree had been received to " construct " the 
railway to Peking, and that he, the Russian commander, 
had given orders accordingly. 

The Russian pretensions to a right to the whole line 
were simply a sham, as already shown. Of course the 
English officer did not yield to so transparent an artifice. 
On the contrary, he told the Russian commander that 
Russia was in the wrong. The dispute waxed warm and 
the situation became acute, but in the beginning of October 
Count von Waldersee, who had arrived on the scene shortly 
before, took the matter up and decided that the construction 
and control of the railway from Tongku should as far as 
Yang-tsun be Russian, and from Yang-tsun onwards to 
Peking the line should be worked by Germany with the 
assistance of other Powers, and thus curtailed the Russian 
pretence ; but at the same time he suggested that the section 

54 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

of railway between Tongku and Shanhaikwan should also 
be handed over to the Russians. The British had good 
reason to consider this suggestion as unjust. 

As regards the practical repair and working of the line 
it had by this time become quite clear that the object sought 
would be more effectively attained by entrusting it to the 
former administration under Mr. Kinder and his staff, and 
on October 6 the commanders of the British, American, 
and Japanese troops suggested this to Count von Walder- 
see, but without effect. Previously to this, on September 
30, a British officer with eighteen men had occupied Shan- 
haikwan Station and there hoisted the British flag. Two 
days later, on October 2, a numerous body of Russian 
troops went there, by land and sea, and refused to acknow- 
ledge any rights hut those of conquest, which they assumed, 
and laid claim to all the railway from Tongku throughout 
to Newchwang, solely on these grounds, as being Russian. 
On October 6 they occupied the Ying-Kow terminus of the 
Chinese railway and hoisted over it the Russian flag, fifty 
miles of railway material being simultaneously seized and 
sent off to Port Arthur. 

At home in England telegraphic reports had reached the 
Government in quick succession from its diplomatic repre- 
sentative, general, and admiral, and from many other 
sources ; and as the acts thus committed by the Russians 
in the Far East were entirely at variance with the assur- 
ances which had been given by the Russian Government, 
and there could be no rights of conquest, the Marquis of 
Salisbury took up the matter strongly and repeated protests 
were lodged at the St. Petersburg Foreign Office by the 
British Embassy at his direction. At the same time the 
attention of the German Government was also called to 
the unfairness of Count von Waldersee's decision, he having 
been led astray, as it seemed, by the exceeding astuteness 
of the Russians. 

The Russian replies were, as is usual, invidious and incon- 
sistent all through. But at last the false position which 
Russia had taken up had to be reHnquished, and she sought 
to discover a way of escape, which she found in withdrawing 
her troops from Peking, and subsequently from Tien-tsin, 
as described in a previous page, and thus, on November 13, 
Count Lamsdorff was able to assure Sir Charles (then Mr.) 

55 



THE RISEN SUN 

Hardinge, the British Charge d' Affaires at St. Petersburg, 
that 

the section from Tongku to Shanhaikwan, on the one hand, and 
from Tongku to Tien-tsin, on the other, were of special miUtary im- 
portance to Russia only so long as Russian troops remained to occupy 
the province of Pechili. On the 30th of October, however, the 
Russian Emperor ordered a reduction of the troops in Pechili, 
and on their withdrawal from Peking to Tien-tsin the Yangtsun- 
Peking section was placed at the disposal of Count von Waldersee. 
On the retirement of the Russian troops from the Pechili province, 
the whole line from Yangtsun to Shanhaikwan would also be given 
over to the Field-Marshal. 

As to the Hne joining Shanhaikwan with Newchwang, 
Count Lamsdorff indulged in further procrastination on the 
pretext of the economical and geographical gravity of the 
problems involved, and declared that its complete restora- 
tion to its former owners could not take place before all the 
outlays incurred in the re-establishment and exploitation 
of the whole line between Peking and Newchwang had been 
fully repaid to the Russian Government. 

This claim to reimbursement was on the part of Russia 
wholly unwarranted, because, as was demonstrated on 
November 23, by Lord Lansdowne, who had succeeded 
Lord Salisbury in the conduct of Great Britain's foreign 
affairs, Russia had no right to be placed in a preferential 
position in regard to the repayment of such outlays, inas- 
much as all expeditionary expenses, including outlays of 
this description, were ultimately to be indemnified by China, 
and, for another thing, Russia was not the only country 
that had incurred expenditure of this nature, for the Japanese 
had in reality themselves repaired a considerable length of 
the line. When the Japanese " railway battalion " began 
work the Boxers were still in force in the vicinity, and it was 
necessary to disperse them as they worked, which resulted in 
the loss of an engineer officer and several non-commissioned 
officers and men; further expense was incurred owing to 
the fact that railway materials, being unobtainable on 
the spot, had to be sent over from home. The British, and 
to some extent the Germans, were also engaged in similar 
repair works. Hence diplomatic negotiations were carried 
on with unabated vigour, but, as Russia is not a country 
that is at all scrupulous in regard to the introduction of side 
issues and fresh pretexts for delay when it suits her, it is 

56 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

easy to understand that a long time elapsed before the matter 
was settled. 

Before the excitement relating to the " Railway Incident " 
above described had subsided there arose what was termed 
the " Tien-tsin Incident," which was equally, if not more, 
serious in its character. 

At the beginning of November, 1900 the Russians seized 
land on the left bank of the Pei-ho, extending from the 
railway station as far as Messrs. Meyer's petroleum depot, 
and planted a number of Russian flags and notice boards at 
different points, and on the 6th of that month the Russian 
Acting Consul, M. Poppe, issued a circular to the Consuls 
of the Powers notifying them that the land in question had 
become the property of Russia by act of war. Comically 
enough, the Belgian Consul, in imitation of his Russian 
colleague, next day issued a notice to the Consular body which 
began by saying, " In accordance with instructions from his 
Belgian Majesty's Legation at Peking I have this day occu- 
pied the territory situated," etc, etc., and going on to describe 
its exact situation, which was contiguous to the extensive 
area appropriated by Russia. The Russian circular was one 
so truly audacious that I give its text in full : — 

His Excellency Lieutenant-General Linevitch, Commander-in 
Chief of the Russian expeditionary corps in Pechili, instructs me 
to inform you that, as on the 4th (17th) of June of this year the Im- 
perial Chinese troops joined the rebels in attacking the foreign con- 
cessions and the railway station occupied by Russian troops, and as 
on the loth (23rd) Russian reinforcements relieved these troops, swept 
the left bank of the Pei-ho from above the railway station to beyond 
the petroleum depot of Messrs. H. Meyer & Co., and occupied it by 
right of conquest, having seized it by force of arms and at the cost of 
Russian blood spilt in order to prevent the Chinese returning there 
and reopening fire on the Concessions, his Excellency therefore con- 
siders the whole of this space, from above the railway station to 
beyond the petroleum depot, as property of the Russian troops from 
this day (loth (23rd) of June of this year) by act of war. Russian 
flags have been planted and notices posted on boards placed at many 
points in this territory, which has been occupied and patrolled under 
orders of the Russian military authorities. 

Consequently, his Excellency cannot and will not be able to recog- 
nize any cession, unless with his special authorization, of land 
included in this territory, of which he has taken full and complete 
possession. 

It is of course, understood that all proprietary rights, duly regis- 
tered in the name of foreigners (other than Chinese) before the 4th 
(17th) of June of this year, will be safeguarded. 

57 



THE RISEN SUN 

The land claimed by Russia embraced practically the 
whole of the left bank of the river opposite the foreign settle- 
ment, and was a mile and a half in length, by 500 yards 
wide. In it was comprised a portion belonging to the rail- 
way administration's property and others belonging to the 
private property of some British firms, but the Russian 
flags waved over all. Apart from that, the Russians' con- 
tention that they had cleared the area by their own troops 
was one of which the accuracy was most doubtful, for it was 
a well-known fact that when the Russians were attacked by 
the Chinese near the railway station, the assistance gallantly 
rendered by the Japanese troops went very far towards the 
repulse of the assailants, and, indeed, saved the Russians 
from being routed. In truth, it is believed that the fighting 
ability of Russian troops was really measured by the Japan- 
ese on this occasion. In the battle of June 23 the inter- 
national forces were collectively engaged on a common foot- 
ing, the British on that occasion playing a very conspicuous 
part in effecting a clearance from the quarter in question 
of the Chinese forces. Commander Cradock, in a memoran- 
dum specially drawn up for the British authorities, in refuta- 
tion of the Russian pretensions, went so far, indeed, as to 
assert that " on the whole of the advance our (the British) 
left flank touched the river, and the right was well extended 
towards the railway. No Russian or German troops had 
anything whatever to do with clearing the left bank of the 
river." Besides, the Russians enjoyed no special right of 
conquest, if there ever was such a right conferred upon the 
participators at large by that campaign, inasmuch as in 
their occupation of that or any other place the Russians 
could not but have been executing the tasks assigned to them 
as part and parcel of that war which was in process of being 
waged by the international relief forces in common. Again, 
the Russians, a little later on, systematically removed vast 
quantities of machinery and stores from the railway works 
at Tong-Shan to Port Arthur and elsewhere for their own 
use, and they deprived the Bridge Works Stores at Shan- 
haikwan of fifty thousand pounds' worth of material, the 
premises being completely denuded of all portable property 
The Russians even took away the steam cranes and 
machinery of every description, having, as an expert's 
report states, seized " everything they could lay hands on." 

58 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

All these outrageous proceedings were, of course, stoutly 
challenged not only by the British authorities and the 
interested individuals in the East, who at every successive 
stage protested to the Russian authorities, but by the 
British Government, who time after time briskly remon- 
strated with the Russian Government. America also 
contended that forcible appropriation under claim of con- 
quest was in conflict with the declared purposes of the 
Powers and disturbed their harmonious action. On Novem- 
ber 16, the Russian Minister at Peking wrote to the American 
Minister that if the communication of M. Poppe contained 
any expressions suggesting any question of acquiring terri- 
tory by conquest they had been certainly erroneously used 
by him, and that the object of the Russian military authori- 
ties had been to prevent the seizure of, and speculation in, 
land b}/ certain parties within the radius occupied by the 
Russian troops for military purposes since the preceding 
June. What a groundless insinuation ! At last, when the 
Russians were no longer able to sustain their unjust designs 
they endeavoured, as usual, by their craft and subtleties to 
provide a loophole for escape. They procured from Li 
Hung-Chang the cession — made public on January 6, 1901, 
in a circular from the Acting Russian Consul at Tien-tsin — 
of a piece of land for a new Russian settlement which was 
practically identical with the area that they had so audaci- 
ously invaded. True, the part in which were the private 
premises of British firms was this time excluded, but in 
respect of that belonging to the railway administration 
there was ambiguity ; as a matter of fact, in the Concession 
Agreement, when it came to light, it was discovered that 
the exact delineation of the boundary had been left over for 
future arrangement. 

Although England disdained to challenge the validity 
of the concession, though she entertained some doubt as 
to the mode in which it had been obtained, it was palpable 
that the ground already owned by the railway adminis- 
tration could not suddenly be wrenched from them in such 
a fashion, and that in fact the Agreement could not be held 
to comprise those lands, so there immediately arose upon 
this point a most serious controversy. 

As to the machinery of all sorts and the stores and materi- 
als which Russia took away from the railway, they were 

59 



THE RISEN SUN 

eventually restored to the rightful owners, the Russians 
putting forward the extraordinary plea that, as there were 
no workshops, no stores, and no materials to the north of 
Shanhaikwan, it would be impossible to work this northern 
section of the line after the southern section should have 
been handed over to Count von Waldersee, and that therefore 
Russia had " borrowed " the plant and stocks in question ; 
but now that an arrangement was made that the Russians 
might use the Shanhaikwan workshops for the working 
of the northern section, they restored the borrowed 
materials to the parties to whom they belonged. The 
memorandum of the Russian Government on the subject 
expressly declared that they had restored everything, but 
the report of the expert went to show that only a part of 
the whole was ever disgorged, and that in a very badly 
damaged and scattered condition. 

Early in 1901 the railway near Tien-tsin was handed 
over by Count von Waldersee to the British contingent, 
which thereupon proceeded to construct a siding in the 
common interest of the international forces, beginning it on 
March 7, on land which belonged to the railway adminis- 
tration. The Russians made objection to this on the basis 
that by the concession derived from Li Hung-Chang the 
ground belonged to Russia. They also greatly impeded the 
transfer of certain railway property at Tien-tsin, Tongku, and 
Shanhaikwan, contrary to the terms of the railway con- 
vention entered into the preceding month at Count Walder- 
see's instance. On March 15 the Russians placed sentries 
on the piece of land where the British were making the siding, 
in order to prevent the work being continued, and at the 
same time General Wogack, the Russian general, practically 
demanded the withdrawal of the British sentries from the 
ground. Naturally this sort of behaviour quickly brought 
matters to a crisis, and Russia and Great Britain were on 
the verge of hostilities, so much so that next day, on March 
16, the India Office telegraphed to General Gaselee, giving 
him instructions, and added, " In the meantime do not use 
force except to repel aggression, and do not eject the Russian 
sentries." At the same time vigorous, but still conciliatory, 
protests were lodged by the British Government at St. 
Petersburg, and in the end an understanding was reached 
whereby the dispute about proprietary rights was left for 

60 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

future settlement/ and in the interval the British as well 
as the Russian troops were required to evacuate the plot of 
land in question. This arrangement was embodied in an 
Agreement that on March 21 was signed in the presence of 
Count von Waldersee by General Barrow, representing 
England, and General Wogack, representing Russia — Count 
von Waldersee adding his own signature to the document — 
— whereby it was stipulated that both the Russian and British 
guards should be simultaneously withdrawn at 5 a.m. the 
next day. 

The guards were duly withdrawn on both sides, but be- 
fore the day was out, to the genuine surprise of everybody, 
save perhaps the Russians themselves, the Russian flags 
were replanted on the siding itself, and work was recom- 
menced by the Russian soldiers with such energy that three 
days later, on March 25, the British military authorities 
had to telegraph home that " the Russians are working on 
the disputed ground at Tien-tsin in such a way as to render 
untenable the British position." Surely there could never 
be a more flagrant instance of Russian insincerity and 
duplicity ! Protests were made, of course, by the British 
Government to that of St. Petersburg, and as a result the 
Russian flags gradually and grudgingly disappeared from 
the property, the last of them being displaced on April 4, 
following. Even while these high-handed proceedings were 
taking place at Tien-tsin Count Lamsdorff actually " ex- 
pressed his surprise " — as he termed it — '' at the temporary 
measures taken by the Russian authorities being regarded as 
in any way inconsistent with the assurances given that 
Russia would not make any territorial acquisitions in China." 

Whilst the " Railway Incident " above described was 
attracting the attention of the Powers concerned, an Agree- 
ment was signed by Great Britain and Germany, on October 
16, 1900, in which it was mutually recognized that {a) it 
was a matter of joint and permanent international interest 
that all Chinese ports on the rivers and littoral should remain 
free and open for all nations, and the two Governments under- 
dertook to uphold the dictum for all Chinese territory, as 

1 The dispute was referred to a joint commission, who called upon 
Mr. Detring to arbitrate on two points whereon the two commission- 
ers were not agreed, and the whole matter was recently settled 
mainly in favour of the British contention. 

61 



THE RISEN SUN 

far as they could exercise influence ; (b) the two Govern- 
ments, on their part, would not make use of existing com- 
plications to obtain any territorial advantages, and would 
direct their policy towards maintaining undiminished the 
territorial conditions of the Chinese Empire ; (c) should 
another Power make use of that complication to obtain, 
under any form whatever, such territorial advantages, the 
two Governments reserved to themselves to come to a 
preliminary understanding as to the steps to be taken for 
the protection of their own interests in China ; and (d) 
other Powers would be invited to accept the principle thus 
recorded. 

Accordingly the Powers were invited, and Austria- 
Hungary, France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and America all 
expressed in due course their acceptance. In the case of 
Japan she specially asked the contracting Powers what was 
to be the efiect of expressing acceptance, and having been 
told that an acceptor would stand in precisely the same 
position as an original signatory, she forthwith announced 
her acceptance in due form. It was plain, therefore, that 
other Powers also which accepted, though they may not 
have put the question, stood pari passu in the same position 
as the signatory Powers. 

The best part of the joke, if I may be allowed the 
expression, lay in the situation in which Russia thus unex- 
pectedly found herself. When the Agreement was com- 
municated to her for her acceptance, the British representa- 
tive in Russia was instructed by the Marquis of Salisbury 
to state — should any complaint be made of Russia not having 
previously been consulted — that the Russian Government 
had given many assurances, but little attention had been 
paid to the avowed policy of the Russian Government by 
its officers on the spot, and that this was how England was 
deterred from making a fuller communication. 

The Russian Government, however, accepted the Agree- 
ment without wincing, in a communication which, briefly, 
was as follows : — 

(a) The first part of the Agreement can be favourably entertained 
by Russia, as this stipulation does not in any way infringe the status 
quo established in China by existing treaties. 

{b) The second point corresponds all the more with the intentions 
of Russia, seeing that from the commencement of the present 

62 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1898-1900 

complications she was the first to lay down the maintenance of 
the integrity of the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of 
her policy. 

(c) As regards the third point, relating to the eventuality of an 
infringement of this fundamental principle, the Russian Government 
can only renew the declaration that such an infringement would 
oblige Russia to modify her attitude according to circumstances. 

When one reflects that, to judge from the then existent 
situation, there was absolutely no Power but Russia herself 
that was in any way likely to infringe the fundamental 
principle which she had enunciated, her lofty acquiescence 
in and expressed readiness to adhere strictly to the Anglo- 
German Agreement cannot but give rise to a smile and a 
chuckle over the manifest intention she thus betrayed of 
throwing dust in the eyes of Europe and America. 

Russia's reckless and high-handed infractions of solemn 
pledges and treaties have been in the preceding pages but 
partially laid bare to the light of day, and unhappily there 
are still more serious counts in the indictment that must be 
reserved for the next chapter. As I shall have to show, the 
tenets upheld by Russian politicians, and particularly as 
exemplified in their treatment of Far Eastern Questions, 
are nothing short of a peril to the world at large, for they 
are of a character which must tend in time to sap the foun- 
dations of diplomatic intercourse and constitute a permanent 
menace to the peace of nations. 



63 



CHAPTER IV 

HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR 

THE HISTORY OF SIX YEARS 

Part II. 1901-1903 _ ■ 

THE peace negotiations had now begun to assume 
concrete form. China had throughout evinced a 
wiUingness to accede to reasonable demands, and towards 
the end of August, 1900, Prince Ching and Li Hung-Chang 
were nominated as her co-plenipotentiaries. Views were 
actively interchanged between the Powers, and matters 
had progressed so far that in October the Chinese pleni- 
potentiaries submitted a Memorandum for the considera- 
tion of the Diplomatic Corps at Peking. In this, among 
other things, China acknowledged her fault in laying siege 
to the Foreign Legations, and promised that it should never 
occur again ; admitted her liability to pay an adequate 
indemnity ; and showed a readiness to revise commercial 
treaties. Eventually, by the combined efforts of the 
Ministers of the Powers, a joint note was agreed upon and 
presented to the Chinese Government, toward the latter 
part of December, embodying twelve demands, fulfilment 
of which was deemed necessary for the restoration of normal 
relations between China and the Powers. 

Russia was, of course, a party to all these proceedings, 
but she secretly cherished the idea of independently making 
a great stroke herself which was extremely well calculated 
to thwart and paralyse the concerted policy of the Powers 
in general in at least one portion of the Celestial Empire. 
This design crystallized into the so-called Manchurian 
Agreement. 

The hole-and-corner arrangement which it was sought 

64 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

to carry through was actually entered into at Mukden be- 
tween a subordinate of Tseng, the Tartar general stationed 
there — a person with no authority whatever to make such 
a treaty, as the Chinese Government rightly complained — 
and a representative of Admiral Alexeieff, to wit, General 
Korostovitch ; and the purport of it all was first disclosed to 
an astonished world by a telegram published in the London 
Times from its correspondent in Peking, dated the last day 
of 1900. It was an enumeration of conditions which were 
dictated, as is credibly reported, to the accompaniment 
of very significant threats from the Russian side, leaving 
absolutely no alternative for the Chinese but to acquiesce, 
and only upon compliance with which would Russia consent 
to allow the Tartar general and the Chinese officials to 
resume the civil government of Manchuria. 

These new conditions, plus the concessions previously 
acquired, were tantamount to an annexation of Manchuria. 
It may be remembered that soon after the Chino- Japan 
war Russia seized the opportunity and, by successive 
machinations, partly by threats and partly by gilding the 
pills in many ways, chiefly at the cost of Japan and England, 
exacted from China, under the so-called Cassini conven- 
tion and others, not only a concession of the right of con- 
structing the Trans-Manchurian railway line, having no 
other credible object than a military one, right across 
Manchuria to Vladivostok, which she utilized in substitution 
of her own Trans-Siberian line, but further a similar right 
of construction from Harbin down to Port Arthur and 
Talienwan, and also that of stationing all necessary troops, 
nominally for the protection of these railways. Add to 
these the new concessions embodied in the Manchurian 
convention, and the result is nothing more nor less than a 
consummation of Russia's long-cherished designs. Hence 
the next step taken by her was to seek to obtain recognition 
of the compact by the supreme authority at Peking, and 
to have it embodied in the form of a recognized treaty, 
and this demand was forthwith pressed upon the Chinese 
Government at the capital with all imaginable vehemence 
and persistency. 

Diplomatic correspondence immediately followed the 
disclosure of Russia's secret endeavours, and the utmost 
alacrity was shown by the Governments of America, Britain, 

65 F 



THE RISEN SUN 

Germany, and Japan in dealing with the question. The 
Russian Government pretended that the Agreement had 
no more than a local significance and application, but it 
was like trying to smother the electric light under a fold 
of crape, for the real meaning of the compact was always 
visible. The successive communications and replies that 
Russia made to the Powers in response to their protests 
were all alike. Here is one which Count Lamsdorff tele- 
graphed to M. Iswolsky, then Russian Minister at Tokio : — 

You are authorized to deny most categorically the false reports 
about a treaty between Russia and China concerning an alleged pro- 
tectorate in Manchuria. Negotiations which are yet to take place 
between Russian and Chinese Governments will bear on the manifold 
questions relating to the installation of Chinese Administration in 
Manchuria and the establishment in this province of permanent order 
capable of insuring the tranquillity of our (Russia's) extensive border- 
land, as well as the construction of the railway, which is the object 
of a special Russo-Chinese Convention. As to the Agreement signed 
between the Chief of our (Russian) forces and the Dziandjiem of 
Mukden, it is but a temporary arrangement laying down rules for 
the relations between the local authorities and the Russian troops 
while those are still in Manchuria. The aforesaid false reports are 
particularly malignant at the present juncture, when the Russian 
Government is about to hand over Manchuria to China, in harmony 
with Russia's previous declarations. 

There was, however, another and very pregnant allusion 
in this telegram, which was handed by M. Iswolsky to Mr. 
Kato, then Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, but as 
it bore upon a somewhat different branch of the subject, 
reference will be made to it later on. 

Here is another, which was sent to the Marquis of Lans- 
downe by the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg, and, 
with the full consent and cognisance of the Russian Govern- 
ment, presented at the time to the British Parliament : — 

Count Lamsdorff said that the Emperor had no intention of depart- 
ing in any way from the assurances which he had publicly given 
that Manchuria would be entirely restored to its former condition 
in the Chinese Empire as soon as circumstances admitted of it. 
Russia (he added) was in the same position with regard to fix- 
ing a final date for evacuating Manchuria as the allies found them- 
selves with regard to the evacuation of Peking and the province 
of Pechili. When it came to the final and complete evacuation 
of Manchuria, the Russian Government would be obliged to obtain 
from the Central Government of China an effective guarantee against 

66 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

the recurrence of the recent attack on the frontier and the destruc- 
tion of her railway, but had no intention of seeking this guarantee 
in any acquisition of territory or of any actual or virtual protectorate 
of Manchuria. . . . Manchuria would be restored to China, when 
all the temporary measures taken by the Russian military authori- 
ties would cease, and everything at Newchwang and elsewhere 
would be replaced in its former position. 

All these asseverations and protestations of Russia were 
ostensibly genuine, but in reality they little corresponded 
with her actions. Remonstrances from the aggrieved 
nations continued, and China was herself by no means 
inclined to concede the Russian demands. She sought 
the conjoint mediation between herself and Russia of 
America, Germany, Great Britain, and Japan. It was at 
this critical moment that the Emperor of China, ruler of 
a huge empire with 400,000,000 of inhabitants, made in 
an Imperial edict the following truly pitiable avowal : — 

Russia proposes an Agreement of twelve articles. We have 
authorized our plenipotentiary to amend and modify them, so as to 
preserve our right of sovereignty. The foreign representatives 
also advise China not to accept them. But in reflecting upon the 
present situation, though we are grateful for the advice of the foreign 
representatives, it is impossible for China alone to incur the dis- 
pleasure -of Russia by remaining firm. This is not only a question 
for China to study with all possible care in order that it may be 
solved without any danger to her, but also a question in which 
the foreign Governments interested should maintain the balance of 
power. 

Meanwhile the suggestion, or rather complaint, had been 
made by Count Lamsdorff that garbled versions of the 
Agreement made at Mukden were being circulated by the 
Chinese Government in order to create dissension between 
the Powers, but this was all a farce. The Emperor of 
China speaks in his solemn edict of the twelve demands 
of the Russians, and we have here in full the actual docu- 
ment as translated from the Chinese by no less an authority 
than Sir Ernest Satow, who succeeded Sir Claude Macdonald 
in Peking. He stated that the Chinese version had evidently 
been translated direct from the Russian text, 

(i) The Emperor of Russia, being anxious to give evidence of 
his friendly feeling towards China, is willing to forget the hostile 
acts committed in Manchuria, and to hand back the whole of that 
country to China — its administration to be carried on as heretofore. 

67 



""' '~ THE RISEN SUN 

(2) Under Article 6 of the Manchurian Railway Agreement 
the Administration is authorized to maintain troops for the protec- 
tion of the line. The country, however, being at present in an 
unsettled condition, and such troops few in number, a body of 
soldiers must be retained until the order is restored, and until China 
shall have carried out the provisions of the last four articles of the 
present Convention. 

(3) In the event of grave disturbances the Russian garrisons 
will afford China every assistance in suppressing the same that lies 
in their power. 

(4) In the recent attacks against Russia, Chinese troops having 
taken a prominent part, China agrees, pending the completion of 
the line and its opening to traffic, not to establish an army in those 
provinces. She will consult with Russia as to the number of troops 
she may subsequently wish to establish there. The importation 
of munitions of war into Manchuria is prohibited. 

(5) With a view to safeguarding the interests of the territory in 
question, China will, on representations being made by Russia, at 
once deprive of office any military governor or other high officials 
whose conduct of affairs may prove antagonistic to the maintenance 
of friendly relations. 

A police force consisting of mounted and unmounted units, may 
be organized in the interior of Manchuria. Its numbers shall be 
determined after consultation with Russia, and from its armament 
artillery shall be excluded. The services of the subjects of any 
other Power shall not be employed in connexion therewith. 

(6) In conformity with the undertaking given by China at an 
earlier date, she will not employ the subjects of any other Power 
in training Chinese soldiers or sailors in North China. 

(7) The neighbouring local authorities will, in the interests of 
peace and order, draw up new special regulations with reference to 
the neutral zone (see Agreement of March 27, 1898) treated of in 
Article 5 of the Agreement relating to the lease of part of the Liao- 
tung Peninsula. 

China's autonomous rights in the city of Chinchou (Kinchau, 
near Port Arthur), secured to her by Article 4 of the Special Agree- 
ment of May 7, 1898, are hereby abrogated. 

(8) China shall not, without the consent of Russia, grant to any 
other Power, or the subjects thereof, privileges with regard to mines, 
railroads, or other matters in conterminous (i.e. with Russia) 
regions, such as Manchuria, Mongolia, and the sections of the new 
dominion known as Tarbagati, Hi, Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khoten. 
Nor shall China, without Russia's consent, construct railroads 
there herself. 

^ Except as far as Newchwang is concerned, no leases of land shall 
be granted to the subjects of any other Power. 

(9) China being under obligation to pay Russia's war expenses, 
and the claims of other Powers, arising out of the recent troubles, 
the amount of the indemnity presented in the name of Russia, the 
period within which it will have to be paid, and the security therefor 
will all be arranged in concert with the other Powers. 

68 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

(10) The compensation to be paid for the destruction of the 
railway Hnes, for the robbery of property belonging to the railway 
administration and its employes, as well as claims for delay in carry- 
ing on the construction of the lines, will form a subject of arrange- 
ment between China and the Administration. 

(11) The above mentioned claims may, by agreement with the 
Administration, either in part or in whole, be commuted for other 
privileges. The grant of such privileges would involve a complete 
revision of the previous agreement. 

(12) In conformity with the undertaking previously given by 
China, it is agreed that a line may be constructed for either the 
trunk line or the branch line [of the Manchurian railway] in the 
direction of Peking up to the Great Wall, its administration to be 
governed by the regulations at present in force. 

Although in some respects a Httle difference in the form 
and scope is to be perceived between this version of the 
Convention and one which had been telegraphed to the 
Times by its Peking representative, their purport is sub- 
stantially the same. In any case, China was bound hand 
and foot under the heel of Russia, and that, too, contrary 
to Russia's solemn pledge to maintain concord with other 
Powers. 

The strenuous opposition of the Powers interested con- 
tinued, liowever, and at last, in April, 1901, Russia had to 
abandon the project. On the 5th of that month the Govern- 
ment of St. Petersburg published an official communique in the 
Official Messenger, which explained her position at great 
length, interspersed with the usual protestations to the 
effect that in every case the course which she had adopted was 
a temporary measure, and that she meant to withdraw her 
troops from Manchuria when order had been permanently 
restored, and everything possible had been done to safeguard 
the railway, provided that no obstacle was placed in the way 
by other Powers. The motive of this qualifying phrase will 
be obvious to my readers. The communique went on to 
declare that the reported Agreement was only intended to 
serve as a starting-point towards the realization of the 
restoration of Manchuria, but owing to obstacles having 
been put in the way of the conclusion of that Agreement 
it became impossible for her immediately to take the con- 
templated measures of evacuation, and that, remaining 
true to her original programme, she would quietly await the 
further progress of events. 

Subsequently to the publication of this communique 

69 



THE RISEN SUN 

on April 8, M. Iswolsky handed to Mr. Kato at Tokio a 
note verbale, which, after it had announced Russia's abandon- 
ment of the project, viz. the Manchurian agreement, on a 
plea similar to that advanced in the communique^ proceeded 
thus : — 

Divers information having shown that under the actual circum- 
stances such an understanding might cause all sorts of difficulties 
to the neighbouring Empire instead of serving to clearly show the 
friendly intentions of Russia with regard to the interests of China, 
Russia would not only not insist, vis-d-vis the Chinese Government, 
upon the conclusion of this understanding, but even renounce all 
further negotiations on the subject. 

A similar announcement was, of course, made to the 
other Powers. Here we have Russia affecting to ride off 
in dudgeon upon her high horse, whilst retaining in hei 
own hands that which was the actual object of dispute — 
viz. the possession of Manchuria. 

I might here perhaps venture to recall to the remembrance 
of my readers that prior to the middle of January, 1901, 
Russia, as far as her Foreign Office was concerned, consis- 
tently held that a state of war did not exist between the 
Powers and China, but that subsequent to that date she 
began to insinuate that she had the right to hold Manchuria 
as a result of conquest. Thus we see that on July 4, 1900, 
the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, in a despatch 
reporting to the Marquis of Salisbury the particulars of an 
interview with Count Lamsdorff, said : " There was one 
point on which Count Lamsdorff laid particular stress in his 
conversation with me, and it was that the European Powers 
should proceed on the assumption that they were not in a 
state of war with the constituted Government of China, 
but with rebels and anarchists." Again, on August 28, 
1900, Count Lamsdorff said to the British Ambassador : 
" We have been proceeding ... on the assumption hither- 
to that we were not in a formal state of war with the recog- 
nized Government of China, but with a nation in a state 
of rebellion." On September 27, Count Lamsdorff said to 
the British Charge d"* Affaires that " his view was that there 
had never been any rupture of diplomatic relations [between 
the Powers and China], as had been strikingly proved by 
the fact that a new German Minister had been appointed." 
Then came, in January, 1901, a faint suggestion of the 

70 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

ballon d'essai in the next recorded expression of Count 
Lamsdorff's informal but candid opinion, as telegraphed 
by the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg to Mr. Kato 
at Tokio. The Russian Minister declared that " the Russian 
occupation of Manchuria being the result of self-defence 
on the part of Russia against the Chinese aggression upon 
her frontiers, she would be in perfect right even if she should 
choose to make the occupation permanent, but in point of 
fact she entertains no intention of exercising the right of 
conquest." And in the telegram handed by M. Iswolsky to 
Mr. Kato — to which previous reference has been made as em- 
bodying an allusion of much significance — Count Lamsdorff 
declared that Russia, in harmony with her previous declara- 
tions, was about to hand over Manchuria to China, " instead 
of possessing herself by right of conquest of this province 
[Manchuria], from which came an attack on her boundaries." 
As to the Russian military authorities, they have, from 
almost the very moment that opportunities for increased 
activity in the Far East presented themselves — after the 
Boxer rising — made pretensions, as we have seen already, 
to these so- termed rights of conquest, shadowy in the 
extreme as they must have known such rights to be. 

While, on the one hand, Russia had been giving inter- 
minable trouble to the Powers by her action in the railway 
and Tien-tsin incidents, and her intrigues in connexion 
with the Manchurian Agreement, the real peace negotiations, 
on the other hand, between China and the Powers, Russia 
included, had made satisfactory progress, and the final 
Peking Protocol was signed on September 7, 1901, wherein 
the Powers declared that the international forces should 
evacuate Peking itself on September 17, and the province 
of Pechili five days later, save for certain trifling exceptions 
provided for in the protocol. The Chinese Court returned 
from Hsi-An-Fu, to which city it had resorted on the ap- 
proach of the Allies to Peking, and the old order of things 
was revived at the Chinese capital in January, 1902. It 
may be remembered that by this protocol the importation 
of arms into China was forbidden for two years, with a 
proviso to the effect that this term might be prolonged if 
requisite, according to circumstances. In the course of 
the discussion of the terms of the protocol a sub-committee 
of the Conference of Ministers of the Powers had proposed 

71 



THE RISEN SUN 

that the period of prohibition should be five years. But 
the American, Belgian, and Japanese delegates held to 
the opinion that two years, with a proviso, would suffice. 
This view prevailed, and before the clause was finally 
embodied in the protocol China had published an Imperial 
edict in anticipation. The Russian delegate, however, 
was of opinion that the term should be ten years. This 
marked divergence of Russia's views from those entertained 
by other Powers was eminently suggestive, now that we can 
calmly reflect upon it, of some lurking sinister motive. 

In the meantime Russia was eagerly engaged in an intrigue 
for the revival of that objectionable Manchurian Agreement 
which she professed to have abandoned months before. 
Her diplomacy on this occasion was precisely similar in 
its base and cynical disregard of all moral obligations to 
that she had employed decades before in depriving China 
of the " Maritime Province." The Marquis of Lansdowne 
was apprised in August, 1901, of the fact that, despite her 
denial thereof, Russia was seeking to obtain China's signature 
to a Manchurian Agreement, and a week later it was definitely 
stated in reliable quarters that as soon as the final Peking 
Protocol should be signed, Russia's negotiations concerning 
Manchuria would be recommenced at Peking or St. Peters- 
burg. The protocol was, as we have seen, signed on 
September 7, and it is to be presumed that thence- 
forward Russia was busily occupied with the furtherance 
of her schemes. 

It was at this juncture that the Anglo- Japanese Agree- 
ment of alliance took practical shape, and was signed in 
London on January 30, 1902, it being entered into between 
Great Britain and Japan solely from a desire to maintain 
the status quo and general peace in the Extreme East. This 
Agreement is to remain in full force for five years, and is 
terminable after the expiration of that period at one year's 
notice. When, however, one of the Allies happens, in the 
meantime, to be engaged in war, the alliance shall, ipso 
facto, continue until peace is concluded. The aims and 
motives of the Agreement were admirably summed up in 
an eminently statesmanlike despatch from the Marquis 
of Lansdowne to Sir Claude Macdonald at Tokio, as is well 
known to the students of history. 

The publication of this Agreement was followed on 

72 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

March 16 by the issue of a Russo-French Memorandum, 
being communicated in due course to the Powers concerned. 
It ran as under : — 

The Allied Governments of Russia and France have received a 
copy of the Anglo- Japanese Agreement of January 30, 1902, con- 
cluded with the object of maintaining the status quo and the general 
peace in the Far East, and preserving the independence of China 
and Korea, which are to remain open to the commerce and industry 
of all nations, and have been fully satisfied to find therein affirmed 
the fundamental principles which they have themselves, on several 
occasions, declared to form the basis of their policy, and which still 
remain so. 

The two Governments consider that the observance of these 
principles is at the same time a guarantee of their special interests 
in the Far East. Nevertheless, being obliged themselves also to take 
into consideration the case in which either the aggressive action of 
third Powers, or the recurrence of disturbances in China, jeopardiz- 
ing the integrity and free development of that Power, might become 
a menace to their own interests, the two Allied Governments reserve 
to themselves the right to consult in that contingency as to the means 
to be adopted for securing those interests. 

Simultaneously with the issue of this Memorandum was 
published in the Journal de St. Petersbourg, March 20, an 
official communique, omitting to consider how and why 
it came about that an Anglo- Japanese Agreement came 
to be entered into, and insinuating that two of the eleven 
Powers (Britain and Japan being meant) which had quite 
recently signed the Peking Protocol were seeking to sepa- 
rate themselves from the others, and to place themselves 
in a " special situation in respect to the Celestial Empire," 
and after repeating the usual rigmarole about Russia's 
guiding principles and desire for peace, wound up with the 
assertion that the French and Russian Governments found 
it needful to formulate their views owing to " the ever- 
persistent agitation concerning the Anglo- Japanese Arrange- 
ment." 

France appears to have felt some sort of reluctance to 
associate herself with the Russian policy in the Far East, 
but she was persuaded to do so on account of Russia being 
most studious in making her believe that the Muscovite 
Government were sincere as to their intention of evacuation. 

What America thought of these matters was to be seen 
from Secretary Hay's Memorandum, which, after express- 
ing America's gratification on finding in both the Anglo- 

73 . 



THE RISEN SUN 

Japanese Agreement and the Russo-French Memorandum 
renewed assurances of the concurrence of their views with 
those held by America in respect of Far Eastern affairs, 
ended thus : 

With regard to the concluding paragraph of the Russian Mem- 
orandum, the Government of the tjnited States, while sharing the 
views therein expressed as to the continuance of the Open Door 
policy against possible encroachment from whatever quarter, and 
while equally solicitous for the unfettered development of indepen- 
dent China, reserves for itself entire liberty of action should circum- 
stances unexpectedly arise whereby the policy and interests of the 
United States in China and Korea might be disturbed or impaired. 

This was an indirect way of telling Russia that America 
was not to be inveigled into any sanction or acceptance of 
" suitable means " to be devised by her, and it is not diffi- 
cult to understand how little trust was at that time placed by 
America in Russian avowals. Indeed, the American people 
were just then irritated by the friction which had arisen 
between the Russians and the American consular and 
naval authorities, as well as the American mercantile 
community at large, owing to the iniquitous retention by 
the Russian military authorities of the treaty port of New- 
chwang and the resultant interference with telegraphic and 
mail facilities, and obstacles to commerce at large, in con- 
sequence of which America had several times made repre- 
sentations to the St. Petersburg Government, to say nothing 
of the many anxieties concerning graver subjects created 
by Russia's policy. 

At the very moment when the Russo-French Memorandum 
was being circulated, Russia was, in point of fact, maturing 
her second Manchurian Convention, which was as objection- 
able as the first one. Mr. Conger, the American Minister 
in Peking, had in December, 1901, reported to Washington 
that Prince Ching had returned to Peking armed with 
authority to sign a Manchurian Convention, and also that 
the British and Japanese Ministers were warning China 
not to enter into it. He asked for instructions as to 
the course he should take, giving the substance of the 
provisions of this proposed Convention which had come to 
his knowledge. 

Mr. Hay thereupon instructed Mr. Conger to advise 
Prince Ching that America trusted and expected that no 

74 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

arrangement which would permanently impair the territorial 
integrity of China, injure the legitimate interests of the 
United States, or impair the ability of China to meet her 
international obligations, would be made with any single 
Power. Prince Ching, in assenting, said he would insist on 
the Russian evacuation in one year instead of three, that 
matters concerning Chinese troops should be left to China 
herself to arrange, and likewise as to guarding the railways 
or building railway bridges. Russia's claim for expenses 
in repairing and maintaining the railway would not be 
paid if it was found that it had been covered by the general 
indemnity. But Mr. Conger confessed that he had grave 
doubts regarding the Prince's ability to secure consent to 
the terms he proposed. 

Mr. Tower, the American Ambassador at St. Petersburg, 
was then instructed by Mr. Hay to remonstrate with the 
Russian Government on the ground that by permitting 
or creating any monopoly by one Power of the trade of the 
region, China would contravene the provisions of the treaties 
with other Powers, and such action would infallibly lead 
to the impairment of Chinese sovereignty, and tend to 
diminish the ability of China to meet its obligations ; and 
further that other Powers as well might be expected to 
seek similar exclusive advantages in different parts of the 
Chinese Empire. This would be destructive of the policy 
of equal treatment for all the Powers, and contrary to 
Russian assurances regarding the preservation of an " open 
door " in China. Mr. Conger was simultaneously directed 
to warn the Chinese Government still further. 

The Russian reply to America was handed to Mr. Tower 
on February 9, and it must be characterized as one of the 
most remarkable of Russia's many remarkable despatches. 
After declaring that Russia was fully disposed to remove 
the causes of anxiety to the American Cabinet, but that it 
felt bound at the same time to assert that negotiations 
carried on between two entirely independent States were 
not subject to be submitted to other Powers, it proceeded 
thus : — 

There is no thought of attacking the principle of the '* open door," 
as that principle is understood by the Imperial Government of 
Russia, and Russia has no intention whatever to change the policy 
followed by her in that respect up to the present time. 

75 



THE RISEN SUN 

If the Russo-Chinese Bank should obtain concessions in China, 
the agreements of a private character relating to them would not 
differ from those heretofore concluded by so mg-ny other foreign 
corporations. But would it not be very strange if the " door " that 
is " open " to certain nations should be closed to Russia, whose 
frontier adjoins that of Manchuria, and who has been forced by recent 
events to send her troops into that province to re-establish order in 
the plain and common interest of all nations ? It is true that Russia 
has conquered Manchuria, but she still maintains her firm deter- 
mination to restore it to China and recall her troops as soon as the 
conditions of evacuation shall have been agreed upon and the neces- 
sary steps taken to prevent a fresh outbreak of troubles in the 
neighbouring territory. 

It is impossible to deny to an independent State the right to grant 
to others such concessions as it is free to dispose of, and I have every 
reason to believe that the demands of the Russo-Chinese Bank do 
not in the least exceed those that have been so often formulated by 
other foreign companies, and I feel that under the circumstances it 
would not be easy for the Imperial Government to deny to Russian 
companies that support which is given by other Governments to com- 
panies and syndicates of their own nationalities. 

And it concludes by stating that there is not, nor can there 
be, any question of the contradiction of the assurances 
which had been given by Russia under the orders of the 
Emperor. Was it not a scandalous thing that Russia, the 
promulgator of the so-called " fundamental principles," 
should have the hardihood to claim for her clandestine 
negotiations with China that they were no concern of the 
other Powers ? Was it not positively outrageous that 
Russia, whose contention it had been that the Powers were 
not at war with the constituted Government of China, should 
declare, when it suited her purpose and in a formal State 
document, that she had a claim on Manchuria by conquest ? 
It will be remembered that the Powers which took most 
interest in the affair at this period were Britain, America, 
and Japan. As to Germany, she seems to have made the 
best use of the Anglo-German Agreement during the peace 
negotiations with China, as shown by the report of Mr. 
Rockhill, the American Commissioner, to his Government, 
which states that " the position of Germany on the question 
of the indemnity was most uncompromising," and that 
" the urgent necessity for Great Britain to maintain her 
entente with Germany in China was responsible for the 
numerous concessions that she had made to Germany's 
insistence on being paid the last cent of her expenses." 

76 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

Germany, however, soon showed herself lukewarm, and in 
March, 1901, Count von Biilow announced in the Reichstag 
that her interpretation of the Agreement was that it had 
no application to Manchuria ! He even went so far, in an 
attempt to minimise its scope, as to designate it " the 
Yang-tse Convention " ! — not, however, without evoking 
much comment and surprise, nay, even some suspicion, in 
England and elsewhere. Such being the German attitude, 
the Imperial Chancellor, speaking in the Reichstag on 
March 3, 1902, in reference to the Anglo- Japanese Agree- 
ment, remarked quite unconcernedly that no exception 
could be taken to it by Germany, as it did not in any way 
interfere with the Anglo-German, Agreement of October 16, 
1900, with regard to the Yang-tse Valley, or with declarations 
exchanged by the several Powers with regard to the " open 
door." 

Russia continued to exert the utmost pressure at Peking, 
and on April 8, 1902, the Manchurian Convention was 
signed at Peking by the Russian and Chinese Plenipoten- 
tiaries. The Journal Officiel of St. Petersburg published 
the text of it four days later, and this veritably Satanic 
triumph was crowned by China formally expressing her 
obligations to the Powers whose counsel she had sought, 
viz. America, Britain, and Japan. True it was that the 
terms were perhaps more favourable to China than she 
would have secured had she been left entirely to the tender 
mercies of Russia, but they were, in all conscience, onerous 
and degrading enough. The truth was that China's help- 
lessness to resist Russian coercion was coupled with an 
intense anxiety on the part of the Manchu Court to regain 
possession of that part of the empire which, for dynastic 
reasons, was most dear to it. The dilemma in which 
the Chinese Court found itself is well illustrated in a report 
by Mr. Conger to the American Government, dated January 
29, in which he states : — 

On the 27th I had a conference with Prince Ching, who informed 
me, substantially, that he was in a most difficult position. He had 
used, he said, every effort in his power to come to some agreement 
with Russia whereby the evacuation of Manchuria might be secured 
without the great sacrifice on the part of China which Li Hung- 
Chang had agreed to. He had, he said, secured some very material 
concessions on the part of Russia, but they would yield no further, 
and he was convinced, if China held out longer, that they would 

77 



THE RISEN SUN 

never again secure terms as lenient ; that the Russians were in full 
possession of the territory, and their treatment of the Chinese was 
so aggravating that longer occupation was intolerable ; that they 
must be got out, and that the only way left for China to accomplish 
this was to make the best possible terms. The only terms that 
Russia would consent to was the signing of both the Convention 
and the Russo-Chinese Bank Agreement. 

Accompanying the text of the Agreement there was 
published in the Russian official organ an explanatory 
communication to the effect that, having been " repaid 
the material expenses to which she was put by her military 
operations in China," Russia saw no necessity thencefor- 
ward " for leaving armed forces within the confines of the 
neighbouring territory," and therefore this Agreement had 
been made by Imperial will. The stipulations of this 
Convention are tolerably well known, but they may be 
briefly stated : — 

The right to exercise authority in Manchuria is to be 
restored to China, and the Russian troops, within six months 
after signature — i.e. October 8, 1902 — to be withdrawn 
from the South- West Province up to the Liao River, and 
the railways handed over to China. 

[Prince Ching said he thought Newchwang was included, 
but, as the sequel showed, the Russians thought otherwise.] 

Within the following six months the remainder of the 
Mukden Province, plus the Kirin Province, to be evacuated 
and finally, within another six months, to quit Hei-Lung- 
Chiang ; thus all three provinces were to be restored to the 
Chinese Empire by, at the latest, October 8, 1903. 

Of course, as a set-off to this magnanimous return of 
wrongly acquired property, Russia laid a number of restric- 
tions on China, 

She was limited as to the numbers and disposition of the 
troops she was to place in Manchuria. 

She was to protect the Russian railways there and the 
persons employed thereon, in their various undertakings. 

Nor might she invite any Power to participate in pro- 
tecting, constructing, or working her own railway — viz. 
that from Shan-hai-Kwan to Newchwang and Hsin-Min- 
tsun — nor allow any other Power to occupy the territory 
vacated by the Russians. 

China might neither extend nor reconstruct, nor erect a 

78 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

bridge nor remove the terminus, at Newchwang, without 
first discussing the matter with the Russian Government. 

Finally, China was to pay Russia's expenses incurred in 
the working and repair of the Chinese railway in Manchuria, 
which sums, it was declared, were not included in the total 
of the previous claim. 

Could any rational being fail to perceive that in these 
stipulations there were direct infringements of the sove- 
reignty and integrity of an independent State ? They 
evoked, indeed, on all sides, the severest criticism. Yet 
because it was presumed that Russia would keep her word 
on the essential points — the evacuation by given dates of 
the three occupied provinces — the Powers were willing, it 
would seem, to acquiesce. 

I may here remark that the Russian share of the in- 
demnity included not only the expenses incurred by her in 
Pechili but also in Manchuria. In whatever way assessed it 
was altogether exorbitant,^ as compared with the claims of 
other Powers. Now that Russia insisted on claiming an 
extra indemnity on account of the railway, the iniquity of it 
all became the more glaring. 

For some time after this things appeared to be going 
on tolerably well, though some anxiety was felt in certain 
quarters as to Russia's sincerity. October 8, 1902, was 
the day on which the first part of the Russian evacuation 
was to be completed, and towards the end of that month 
the Chinese Government was enabled to announce the 
restoration of the south-west portion of Mukden Province 
and all the Chinese railways outside the Great Wall, as 
previously stipulated. Then came the second part of the 
evacuation — Newchwang included — ^which had to be carried 
out by April 8, 1903. Not only did the Russians not 
evacuate Newchwang and other parts of the territory as 
agreed upon, but signs were perceptible that they had 
altogether changed their programme. Rumours began to 
circulate that Russian troops were being moved towards 
the Korean frontier. On April 17, the British Chargi 
d' Affaires at Peking telegraphed to Lord Lansdowne : 

1 Russia obtained ;^i7,9oo,ooo on the basis of ;^ioo per combatant, 
though it was estimated that her actual force never could have 
exceeded 50,000. The exceptional moderation of Japan's demand 
was commented on by the British Government, 

79 



THE RISEN SUN 



(( 



There is a growing feeling here that either the evacuation 
will not take place or that Russia is exacting conditions." 
When inquiry was made about it at St. Petersburg by the 
Chinese Minister, both Count Lamsdorff and M. de Witte 
assured him that, as to the movement of troops, neither the 
Imperial Government nor the Russo-Chinese Bank had 
any interest whatever in any timber concessions which 
private individuals might have acquired, and they repu- 
diated the idea that troops had been sent there to guard 
these concessions which were said to have been obtained from 
China and Korea. General Kuropatkin, then War Minister, 
did not deny, however, that M. Besobrazoff had acquired 
certain forest rights in Manchuria, and thought it possible 
that Admiral Alexeieff had " granted " some soldiers to 
protect these rights. The Chinese Minister, who persisted 
in his inquiries, was assured that the delay of the second 
stage of the evacuation was but temporary, and was caused 
by the presence of foreign ships at Newchwang ; Admiral 
Alexeieff feared, so he said, that the Chinese might admit 
some other Power as soon as the Russians had gone away. 
Count Lamsdorff was nevertheless positive in affirming 
that the Emperor's commands would be fulfilled. By this 
time, however, things had begun to assume a very alarming 
aspect in Peking, for in reality the Russian representative 
was once more vigorously pressing there his daring new 
" seven demands," the purport of which could not for long 
be hidden from the diplomatic circle there, and the British 
Charge d' Affaires briefly outlined their scope in a telegram 
on April 23, 1903, to his Government. They comprised : — 

(i) A demand that no portion of the territory restored to China 
by Russia, especially at Newchwang, should be leased or sold, under 
any circumstances, to any other Power. 

(2) The system of government actually existing thoughout Mon- 
golia should not be altered. 

(3) China to engage herself not to open new ports or towns in 
Manchuria without notice to Russia, nor permit foreign Consuls to 
reside at such ports or towns. 

(4) Foreigners engaged by China for the administration of any 
affairs shall exert no authority in the northern provinces, where 
Russia has predominant interests. 

(5) As long as any telegraph line may exist at Newchwang and 
Port Arthur, the Newchwang and Peking line must be maintained, 
as the telegraph at Newchwang and Port Arthur and throughout 
Shing-King Province is under Russia's control, and its connexion 

80 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

with her line on the Chinese telegraph poles ^ at Newchwang, Port 
Arthur, and Peking is of the utmost importance. 

(6) After the restoration of Newchwang to China, the Customs 
receipts shall, as at present, be deposited with the Russo-Chinese Bank. 

(7) No rights which have been acquired in Manchuria by Russian 
subjects or foreign companies during the Russian occupation to 
be affected by the evacuation. Quarantine to be established in 
Newchwang against the spread of epidemics to the northern pro- 
vinces. Russians only eligible for Commissionership of Customs 
at ports or the post of Customs Physician, under control of Inspector- 
General of Maritime Customs. Permanent Sanitary Board under 
presidency of Customs Tao-tai to be instituted. 

All of these demands were not divulged at first, but what 
leaked out was bad enough, and diplomatic activity was 
stimulated to the highest pitch. China herself wished to 
reject the demands in toto, and at the same time solicited 
the support of England, America and Japan, which at once 
was promised. Russia, on the other hand, exerted all her 
craft and subtlety to gain her ends, but in vain. On April 
29 the Chinese Government finally intimated its refusal to 
comply. M. Plangon, the Russian Charge d' Affaires, con- 
tinued to grumble, and insisted that his Government 
should be "reassured" that (a) there was no intention of 
assimilating the administration of Mongolia to that of 
China proper ; (b) that no cession of territory to a foreign 
Power in the Liao River region was in contemplation ; and 
(c) that no foreign consuls were to be appointed in other 
places in Manchuria, even with China's consent. Prince 
Ching told M. Plangon point-blank that there had never 
been any intention of ceding territory — that no alteration 
of the administrative system of Mongolia was for the 
present under consideration, and that the extent to which 
trade might be developed would alone decide the ques- 
tion of the opening of treaty ports and the appointment 
of consuls. M. Plangon promised the Prince that this 
answer, which he insisted was to be given as a note, should 
be transmitted to the St. Petersburg Government, and he 
then volunteered to state, with much apparent candour, 
that the delays of the evacuation had been brought about 
by the military party in Russia, and that this reply by the 
Prince would go far to allay anxiety, so that, in his opinion, 

1 Proprietory right in the poles remained to China, at least in 
theory even at Port Arthur. 

81 G 



THE RISEN SUN 

Newchwang would shortly be evacuated. As will presently 
be seen, this proceeding was simply a farce. 

The report of a movement of Russian troops towards the 
Korean frontier was only too true. Some time previously 
a timber-cutting concession had been extracted by Russia 
from China, as regarded the right bank of the Yalu, and 
from Korea as to the left, nominally on behalf of some 
private individuals who transferred their rights to M. 
Besobrazoff. But, as the world came eventually to know, 
Admiral Alexeieff, certain Grand Dukes, and even the 
highest personages in the Muscovite Empire, were impli- 
cated in this transaction. Private and public concerns 
were thus intermingled, and the movement of Russian 
troops to the Yalu banks was undoubtedly connected 
therewith. And though Russia had for decades coveted 
the Korean peninsula, it was by this means that the affairs 
of Manchuria and Korea were artfully blended, and the 
military forces were brought to bear to further the ends 
both of private avarice and the unscrupulous territorial 
aggrandisement of Russia. 

As before shown, the time limit for the second stage of 
the evacuation of Manchuria was April 8, 1903. At Mukden 
the Russian troops once made a feint of evacuation ; they 
even actually did withdraw, in part, but the remainder 
simply marched to the railway station and marched back 
again to their old quarters, without entraining. At Newch- 
wang too, they once appeared as though they were preparing 
for evacuation ; but the aspect of affairs suddenly changed 
when April 8 arrived, and it was urged in excuse for the 
troops' retention that the Tao-tai was not present to have 
the place handed over to him. This was the crowning 
impudence, for the Russians themselves had the Tao-tai 
safely in their own hands at Mukden. Simultaneously, 
M. Plangon was trying hard at Peking to get his demands 
acceded to ; true, he once told Prince Ching, on the April 29, 
that the evacuation would probably be proceeded with ; 
but next day the cloven hoof peeped out, for in returning 
to the charge with his seven demands M. Plan^on allowed 
himself to say that if they were not acceded to there would 
be no evacuation at all I 

From that time Russia's military activity grew apace. 
At the Yalu the Chunchuses were enlisted by her ostensibly 

82 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

as " forest police " for the timber-cutting district, and coals 
and munitions of war were brought to Yongampho, at the 
mouth of the river, in vessels specially chartered, be it 
observed, by the Russian Military authorities. Here a 
settlement was quickly formed, to which was given the 
title of Port Nicholas, and this was used thenceforward in 
all official documents. 

Parenthetically it may be mentioned that, in accordance 
with Article 11 of the Peking Protocol, England negotiated 
with China and concluded a new Anglo-Chinese Commercial 
Treaty in September of the preceding year, 1902. Then 
America, and some time afterwards Japan, were likewise 
in negotiation with China. As, however, the opening of 
Antung and Mukden was included in the project of the 
Chino-American Treaty, and of Ta-tung-Kau and Mukden 
in the Sino- Japanese Treaty, to which also a provision 
for the concession of a " settlement " was attached, the 
Russian representative at Peking repeatedly opposed it, 
at times indirectly, and at others directly ; and as the 
Chinese Government was anxious first of all to see Man- 
churia freed from Russian domination, the definite conclusion 
of the Treaties was put off for a time. While these tricks 
were being played by Russian agents in the East, at St. 
Petersburg the most plausible tales were being told as usual 
to the Powers' representatives. Count Lamsdorff declared 
solemnly that no demands were being made at Peking, 
and that China was simply endeavouring by her tortuous 
diplomacy to sow discord between the Powers. At another 
time it was that Russia merely sought to obtain guarantees, 
and that there was no idea of excluding the consuls or 
obstructing foreign commerce. 

But on May 19, on the British Charge d' Affaires paying 
a call at the Russian Legation in Peking, it being the Tsar's 
birthday, M. de Plan^on at once " took occasion to speak 
about the existing state of affairs at Newchwang. He pre- 
sented that the port could not be held to be included in that 
part of Manchuria which should have been evacuated during 
the last month, since it more properly formed part of the 
section evacuated in October last, and was held by the 
Russians much as Tien-tsin was formerly held by the 
Powers." Needless to say, M. de Plangon's visitor was 
astounded at this proposition. For it had been at Russia's 

83 



THE RISEN SUN 

own instance that Newchwang had been placed outside 
the sphere which formed the first part of the evacuation 
provided for in the Agreement. Perfidy could no farther 
go ! M. Lessar returned to Peking, but there was no change 
of Russian diplomacy ! And now Russia found it time to 
shift her ground once more, as the discrepancy between 
promises and actions had become too pronounced for even 
her lax notions of diplomatic morality. So Count Bencken- 
dorff called on the Marquis of Lansdowne in London and 
assured him that (a) whatever might be the outcome of the 
pending Russo-Chinese negotiations, Russia had no intention 
of opposing the gradual opening of some towns in Man- 
churia as commercial relations might develop, excluding, 
however, the right to establish " settlements." But (b) this 
declaration was not to apply to Harbin. That town, being 
within the limits of the concession for the " Eastern Chinese 
Railway," said he, was not unrestrictedly subject to China, 
and the establishment of foreign consuls there must depend 
on the consent of the Russian Government. Lord Lans- 
downe frankly told the Russian Ambassador that this was 
a qualification of Russia's previous assurances, and that 
the exclusion of Harbin was something quite new. Russia's 
representative begged that Britain would discourage Chinese 
opposition to Russia's demands ; but Lord Lansdowne 
plainly said that England must first be fully informed of 
the nature of those demands. A few days later Count 
Lamsdorff, who had been informed of this answer, observed 
in conversation with the British Charge d' Affaires that this 
desire for information was natural, but he could not supply 
it until General Kuropatkin's return from the East, whither 
he had been on a visit. General Kuropatkin did, in fact, 
at this time visit the East. He went to Japan by way of 
Manchuria, ostensibly on a pleasure trip only, but no doubt 
in reality to form his opinion of her naval and military 
strength and resources, and on his return westwards he 
called at Port Arthur, and held the now famous conference 
with Admiral Alexeieff and M. Besobrazoff. 

On July 29, 1903, the Russian Ambassador in London 
once more approached Lord Lansdowne, with a view of 
coming to an understanding with Great Britain, saying 
that it might be arrived at by Russia's not opposing England 
in the Yang-tse Valley. To this Lord Lansdowne peremp- 

84 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

torily replied that the British difficulty with Russia lay 
more in the Manchurian question. As to the Yang-tse Valley, 
his impression was that by the Anglo-Russian Agreement 
of 1897 a partial understanding had already been arrived 
at, and that unless the British Government were more 
frankly made acquainted with the terms Russia was 
endeavouring to obtain from China no hope existed of 
coming to an understanding. 

At this juncture her first approach to Russia, which led 
to the subsequent negotiations, was made by Japan — ^viz. 
on July 28, 1903 ; but of this more anon. 

The conference at Port Arthur had had no pacific tendency. 
On the contrary, whilst the Russian Ambassador was 
suggesting to Lord Lansdowne an utterly unacceptable 
modus Vivendi on the one hand, and entering to all appear- 
ances willingly upon negotiations with Japan on the other, 
the Russian Government was planning the audacious coup 
d'etat embodied in the Imperial ukase of August 12 (July 
30, O.S.), 1903, creating a Russian vice-gerency out of 
the Amur and K wan-Tung territories. By this the Tsar's 
representative was invested with full administrative con- 
trol, the command of both military and naval forces, and 
supreme power for the maintenance of order and security 
in " the zone of the Eastern Railway of China," as well as 
with the duty of providing for the needs of the Russian 
populations in " the frontier possessions beyond the Imperial 
lieutenancy." He was also given control of the diplomatic 
relations of these provinces with neighbouring States. By 
the same ukase a special committee under the presidency 
of the Emperor was appointed to control the Viceroy, thus 
making the office independent of any Ministry or Depart- 
ment, and Admiral Alexeieff was nominated Viceroy. This, 
of course, was Russia's defiant intimation to the world 
that she meant to hold Manchuria in perpetuity. 

Early in the ensuing month of September, 1903, the Russian 
Minister at Peking made five new demands as conditions 
of evacuation. Briefly these were that : — 

( 1 ) Assurances should be given by China that the three provinces 
should never be ceded to any other Power, nor any scrap of land 
therein pledged, leased, or disposed of in any way whatever. 

(2) Russia should construct wharves at several points along the 
Sungari, and should station troops for the protection of the telegraph 
lines along the river and of the vessels plying thereon. Russia should 

85 



THE RISEN SUN 

also establish stations at various points on the roads between Tsitsihar, 
Mergen, and Blagovestchensk. 

(3) No specially heavy duty to be imposed on goods carried by 
railway, nor any heavier duties to be levied on goods conveyed into 
Manchuria by rail from one station to another than on those trans- 
ported overland or by waterways. 

(4) The branch offices of the Russo-Chinese Bank in various parts 
of Manchuria to be protected by the troops of the Tartar General 
of Mukden, the expense of lodging such troops to be defrayed by the 
Bank. 

(5) Needful sanitary measures, similar to those in Shanghai and 
Tien-tsin, to be taken by the Chinese authorities in order to prevent 
the importation of plague through Newchwang ; and within the 
territories appertaining to the Chinese Eastern Railway, Russia to 
adopt the necessary measures. Where the Tao-tai has charge of these 
measures a Russian physician to be appointed, so as to secure due 
accord between the steps to be taken by the Chinese and Russian 
authorities respectively. 

The Russian Minister further demanded a prolongation 
of the period for evacuation, representing to Prince Ching 
that on these conditions Russia would withdraw her troops 
from Newchwang and other places within the province of 
Mukden on October 8, 1903, from the province of Kirin 
within four months, and from that of Hei-Lung-Chiang 
within one year. The creation of foreign settlements was 
still, however, objected to, and there was, according to a 
report emanating from a source deserving of all confidence, 
another proposal, designed to overthrow the provisions 
contained in Article VIII, section 10, of the Mackey Treaty, 
by the establishment of a separate Inspectorate of Customs 
for Manchuria, to be presided over and manned exclusively 
by Russian officials. 

The more one examines these proposals the more one 
realises the gravity of their purport. Had China accepted 
them, as Prince Ching observed to Sir Ernest Satow, and 
Russia had nominally withdrawn, the Russians would 
still have remained in actual possession, to all intents and 
purposes, of Manchuria. Prince Ching, however, animated 
by the assurances of America, Britain, and Japan, on 
September 25 finally refused the Russian demands, at 
the same time pointing out that by a solemn convention 
entered into by plenipotentiaries of both Powers, and rati- 
fied by their respective Sovereigns, Russia was bound to 
complete the second stage of the evacuation by April 8, 
which in reality had already passed, and the third by 

86 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

October 8, 1903. China was willing, he said, to discuss 
international matters needing settlement as soon as the 
evacuation had been completed in accord with that con- 
vention ; and on October 6 the Chinese Government formally 
requested the Russian Minister to carry out the promised 
evacuation by the 8th, to which the answer given by him 
was that unless China accepted the Russian conditions the 
evacuation was not practicable. 

The new Sino-American Treaty, and also the Chino- 
Japanese Treaty, were signed, despite Russian opposition, 
simultaneously with the expiration of the third term of the 
Manchurian evacuation, and, by virtue of these treaties, 
Antung, Tatungkau, and Mukden were opened to foreign 
commerce. China's original wish was to sign these treaties 
subsequently to the Russian evacuation, so as to give Russia 
no offence ; but the Russian threat, that unless the new 
conditions she proposed were accepted, the evacuation 
would be impracticable, decided the Chinese statesmen to 
wait no longer. 

The day that the Sino-American Treaty was signed 
the Russian Minister actually wrote to Prince Ching up- 
braiding him, and threatening that unless he reconsidered 
his action Russia would herself carry out the projects con- 
tained in the five proposals, and from that day forth the 
military and naval activities of Russia, which had been for 
more than half a year before incessantly pursued, were 
redoubled in intensity. Forts were constructed, additional 
warships were sent out from Europe, more troops were 
moved to the Korean borders, and in one way and another 
the Manchurian and Korean affairs were inexplicably blended 
and everything assumed a most warlike and menacing aspect. 

On October 28 Russian troops occupied the Chinese 
castle and palace of Mukden, possessed themselves of the 
public offices and archives, and next day imprisoned the 
Tartar General. The castle gates were guarded by Russians, 
the telegraphs seized. The pretext for all this was that a 
Chunchus bandit, one of those enlisted by Russia for service 
at the Yalu, had been condemned to death for an offence 
against Chinese law by the Tao-tai's chief aide-de-camp. 
The Russians demanded that the latter should himself be 
beheaded and the Tao-tai dismissed. 

On the Korean side of the Yalu Russian aggression became 

87 



THE RISEN SUN 

particularly noticeable. The Government of Seoul was 
pressed to grant a lease of Yongampho similar to that 
extorted from China for Port Arthur. Telegraph lines were 
set up without consulting Korea at all, and, without waiting 
for an answer about Yongampho, forts were begun. (One 
of the first completed was reported at the beginning of 
October, by a military attache sent from the Japanese 
Legation at Seoul to investigate matters, to be twenty 
metres in height, with three embrasures for guns.) Koreans 
having business connexions with Japanese were arrested 
without cause, timber which the Japanese residents had 
found floating down the Yalu and had brought to bank for 
their own use was violently wrested from them on the plea 
that every fragment belonged of right to the Russian con- 
cessionnaires, and things had become so unbearable to the 
Japanese that they were preparing to quit when Mr. Hagi- 
wara. Secretary of the Japanese Legation at Seoul, was 
despatched to investigate and report on the condition of 
affairs in general. The Russians refused to let him land 
at Yongampho from the steamer, and he was obliged to 
return with his mission unachieved, though later on the 
Russian Minister at Seoul acknowledged that his people 
had been indiscreet. All these high-handed proceedings 
could have no other object than that of securing the Russian 
position beforehand, m defiance of international obhgations 
and solemn pledges, as well as the convention which had 
existed between Russia and Japan concerning Korea, 
and with the express purpose of driving Japan to extremities. 
Both the United States and Japan had strongly advocated 
the opening of Yongampho to the trade of all nations. The 
opinion of the British representative at Seoul was similar ; 
but this course was systematically and strenuously opposed 
by Russia, who, at the same time, had no scruple in practis- 
ing all sorts of intrigue with, the unscrupulous section of 
the Korean officials. 

We now come to the stage of the purely Russo-Japanese 
negotiations, of which I will in this place merely give the 
substance in brief outline. 

Japan had always, from time immemorial, possessed 
large interests in Korea, and it was in the determination to 
uphold her rights there that she did not hesitate to throw 
down the gauntlet to the Chinese ten years ago, at a time 

88 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

when China's naval and mihtary strength was considered 
by many to be far superior to that of Japan. She staked 
her existence on the result then, and she has done so now 
for much the same cause, with the additional reason that 
she has interests in Manchuria likewise which she cannot 
afford to sacrifice. More than all, the presence of any 
foreign Power in Manchuria tends to become a constant 
menace to Korea, and the territorial integrity of the penin- 
sular kingdom is absolutely indispensable to Japan's safety. 
Russia's ambitions had for years run counter to this, and 
thus it was that in Japan there was perpetual anxiety and 
unrest. When matters in Manchuria and Korea began to 
assume the unmistakable character which has been described 
in the foregoing pages, and which was totally at variance 
with all the pledges Russia had given, not to Japan alone, 
but to the whole world, and also with the two Agreements 
which had been arrived at between Russia and Japan some 
years before concerning Korea, and which were still in 
actual force, it was high time that Japan paid some attention 
to her own interests and allowed herself to be actuated by 
the instinct of self-preservation. She therefore addressed 
herself to Russia direct, in the early autumn of 1903, 
and sought to open up negotiations with the aim of bringing 
about a more desirable condition of things both in Korea 
and Manchuria, in order that the advantages of a permanent 
peace might be secured for all. 

Japan was willing from the first to recognize Russia's 
special interests in Manchuria so far as they had been 
acquired by legitimate means, but she desired that Russia 
should keep her word by entering into an international com- 
pact with Japan to respect the sovereignty and territorial 
integrity of China in respect of those provinces, as being 
vital to Japan's special position in Korea, and which, in its 
turn, was vital to the Japanese Empire's own existence. 

Japan's demands were presented only when the most 
careful consideration had been given to every phase of the 
question, and after the interests of other Powers as well as 
her own had been taken into account. Russia had all 
along perfectly understood Japan's position, and there was 
absolutely nothing in the Japanese demands that was new 
or extravagant. In their extreme moderation they scarcely 
satisfied the aspirations of the nation, but it was the Govern- 

89 



THE RISEN SUN 

merit's aim to avoid any disturbance of the peace of the 
Far East. Russia had pledged herself, in her various communi- 
cations at different times to the Powers, to accord practically 
everything that Japan asked for, but when it came to a 
request that the Russian avowals should be embodied in 
an international compact she practically ignored all. After 
this barefaced avowal it was plain to Japan that Russia 
would have to be kept up to the mark if the promises that 
had been given so freely were not to become a dead letter. 

The negotiations were by Russia made to drag on month 
by month, whilst she was unremitting in her efforts to 
strengthen her armaments in the Far East by land and sea, 
until Japan's patience was exhausted and an answer to 
her final inquiry was requested by a certain day, the only 
response being a further irritating postponement. 

I have now, I hope, fairly set forth in this and the preceding 
chapter all that is necessary to show how Russia brought on 
war. My aim has been to show how she was prolific in self- 
denying ordinances, but resolute in her practice of ignoring 
them as soon as they could be supposed to have served 
her turn ; how her procedure throughout these negotiations 
had been to bring the traditional diplomacy of Western 
Europe into discredit, and reduce its international import- 
ance to the level of a cynical farce ; how while ostentatiously 
flourishing the olive branch with her left hand she had been 
slapping the right over pockets that would scarcely contain 
the plunder derived from the hugging and squeezing man- 
oeuvres in relation to the dispirited Chinese government 
which we have in this and the preceding chapter attempted 
without the least unfairness or exaggeration to describe. 
And from all this I deduce that the (just concluded) war in the 
Far East was not in reality a conflict which had arisen merely 
out of a dispute between the two combatants. It was rather to 
be ascribed to the general revolt of all the civilized peoples 
of the earth against the perfidy and insincerity of Russia, 
who for many years past has sought to outwit and over- 
reach the other Powers. It was because Japan felt all 
along that her interests, more than those of any other 
country, were involved, and because China's helplessness 
to cope with her own calamity placed her beside the 
question, that Japan, little as she is, at last resolved that 
she would take up the cudgels, and was content to do battle 

90 



HOW RUSSIA BROUGHT ON WAR, 1901-1903 

with Russia single-handed, in advance of the other nations 
whose prospects were similarly jeopardized. It cannot be 
too often pointed out that in so doing Japan risked her 
very existence as a nation, and this is why we demand so 
boldly, as I am sure we are entitled to do, the common 
sympathy of the world at large in our huge undertaking, on 
which we embarked in the interests of justice and humanity. 
It is my proud privilege to perceive that, excepting in certain 
quarters, which have had reasons of their own for the 
attitude they adopt, this sympathy has from the very 
beginning been cordially and almost universally extended 
to us. 



91 



CHAPTER V 

FIRST HOSTILITIES 

JAPAN AND THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR WITH RUSSIA^ 

I 

AMONG other questions raised by an article from the 
pen of Sir John Macdonell, in The Nineteenth Century 
and After for July, 1904, on "The Present War," there is 
one especially upon which a few observations from a Jap- 
anese point of view might seem to deserve permanent 
record in this place. 

Sir John Macdonell appears to think that our attack 
came to Russia as a surprise, and was therefore unjustifi- 
able ; and whilst he makes reservations on account of 
his lack of accurate information concerning the actual 
state of affairs at the commencement of the war, he pro- 
ceeds to argue that it was a nice point whether the nego- 
tiations had or had not, on February 8 or 9 last, reached 
a stage at which discussion had really been abandoned, and 
both sides had resolved to accept the arbitrament of battle. 
Sir John seems to consider that notice should be given to an 
adversary, before beginning a war, that hostilities have 
become inevitable. 

I will not say anything about the fact that the first shot 
was fired by the Russians on the Japanese vessels at Che- 
mulpho ; nor is it my intention to enter upon any justifica- 
tion of Japan's course of action on the common theory of 
international law, or on the basis of the prevailing practice 
in such cases, of which Russia herself is one of the most signifi- 
cant examples, — for it could easily be shown, with the aid 
of nineteenth century precedents, that a formal declaration 
is not needed to constitute a state of war. On the contrary, 
I rather appreciate Sir John's contention that no blows 

^ 'The Nineteenth Century and After,' August 1904. 

92 



FIRST HOSTILITIES 

should be struck without adequate warning, or while diplo- 
matists are still debating the matters in dispute. And it is 
my desire to prove that Japan, far from taking her enemy 
unawares, did actually do precisely as Sir John Macdonell 
is anxious to show she ought to have done, and that, in the 
sense of his comment on the operations, there was no room 
for the Russians to be surprised in any degree whatever. 

I will first endeavour to demonstrate the truth of this 
proposition by recalling the successive stages of those nego- 
tiations which culminated in hostilities ; but it is unneces- 
sary to dwell upon the earlier part of the diplomatic corre- 
spondence, nor is it worth while to enlarge either on the 
flagrant neglect of Russia to fulfil her own pledges, or on the 
persistency with which she sought to (the expression may be 
pardoned, since there is no other term that applies equally 
well) make a fool of Japan throughout the protracted negoti- 
ations. It may suffice to point out that, from the very 
nature of those negotiations, any failure to arrive at a satis- 
factory understanding was tantamount to an admission 
that war was inevitable. 

The most acute phase was reached in November, 1903, 
as was plainly indicated in the telegram despatched on the 
2ist of that month to Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister 
at St. Petersburg, by Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign 
Affairs in the Government of Tokio, in which the following 
passage occurs : — 

Baron Rosen added that he had not yet received any instructions 
on the subject of thej counter-proposals, consequently you are in- 
structed to see Count Lamsdorff as soon as possible, and after 
explaining to him Baron Rosen's statements, as above, you will say 
that the Japanese Government are anxious to proceed with the negotia- 
tions with all possible expedition, and you will urge him to exert his 
influence to secure the early despatch of instructions to Baron Rosen, 
in order that negotiations may be resumed and concluded without 
delay. 

This view was, of course, communicated to the Russian 
Foreign Minister, and after further futile endeavours on 
Japan's part to elicit an early reply, Baron Komura tele- 
graphed to Mr. Kurino on December i, 1903, again urging 
the importance of a speedy solution of the question at issue, 
in yet more plain-spoken fashion ; and he wound up his 
despatch thus : — 

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THE RISEN SUN 

In these circumstances the Japanese Government cannot but 
regard with grave concern the situation, for which the delays in the 
negotiations are largely responsible. You are instructed to see Count 
Lamsdorff as soon as possible, and place the foregoing considerations 
before him in such form and manner as to make your representations 
as impressive as possible. You will add that the Japanese Govern- 
ment believe they are rendering a service to the general interest in 
thus frankly explaining to the Russian Government the actual state 
of things. 

When Mr. Kurino made these representations, which 
could scarcely have been more explicit, to Count Lamsdorff, 
the Russian Minister said that " he would fully explain the 
urgency of the matter on the occasion of his audience on the 
following Tuesday " ; but things in reality were made to 
drag on, and the Russian preference for the game of diplo- 
matic seesaw was exemplified to the full, until at last, on 
December 23, when three whole weeks had been frittered 
away, Mr. Kurino, reporting to Baron Komura an interview 
which he had just had with Count Lamsdorff, thus ended 
his despatch : — 

In conclusion, I stated to him that under the circumstances it 
might cause serious difficulties, even complications, if we failed to 
come to an entente, and I hoped he would exercise his best influence 
so as to enable us to reach the desired end. 

On January 6, 1904, a Russian reply was handed at Tokio 
by Baron Rosen to Baron Komura, but in substance it 
amounted to little more than a repetition, save for mere 
changes of wording, of what had gone before, and the atti- 
tude of Russia, it was plain, had undergone no sensible 
alteration. Speaking candidly, there was an end to all 
hope ; but the Government of Tokio, still willing to exert 
itself, and even to make some concession, again invited the 
Russian Government, on January 13, to reconsider the 
matter, in terms which, though conciliatory enough, con- 
stituted practically an ultimatum. In the despatch convey- 
ing this decision to the Russian Government the subjoined 
phrase occurred : — 

The grounds for these amendments having been frequently and 
fully explained on previous occasions, the Imperial Government do 
not think it necessary to repeat the explanations. It is sufficient 
here to express their earnest hope for reconsideration by the Imperial 
Russian Government. 

94 



FIRST HOSTILITIES 

And again : — 

The above-mentioned amendments being proposed by the Imperial 
Government entirely in a spirit of conciliation, it is expected that they 
will be received in the same spirit at the hands of the Imperial 
Russian Government ; and the Imperial Government further hope 
for an early reply from the Imperial Russian Government, since 
further delay in the solution of the question will be extremely dis- 
advantageous to the two countries. 

Even in the face of such earnest representations of the 
danger of procrastination Russia still dallied, and on January 
23 and 26, 1904, Baron Komura successively telegraphed 
to Mr. Kurino, pressing for a prompt response. In one of 
the telegrams Mr. Kurino was instructed to seek an inter- 
view with Count Lamsdorff and state to him, as a direct 
instruction received from the Japanese Government, that, 

in the opinion of the Imperial Government, a further prolongation 
of the present state of things being calculated to accentuate the 
gravity of the situation, it is their earnest hope that they will be 
honoured with an early reply, and that they wish to know at what 
time they may expect to receive the reply. 

On January 28 Mr. Kurino reported to Baron Komura 
his interview with Count Lamsdorff, in which he explains 
how 

He (Count Lamsdorff) stated that the Grand Duke Alexis and the 
Minister of Marine are to be received in audience next Monday, and 
the Minister of War and himself on Tuesday, and he thinks an answer 
will be sent to Admiral Alexeieff on the latter day. I pointed out 
the urgent necessity to accelerate the despatch of an answer as much 
as possible, " because further prolongation of the present condition 
is not only undesirable, hut rather dangerous.'' I added that all the 
while the world is loud with rumours, and that I hoped he would 
take special steps so as to have an answer sent at an earlier date than 
mentioned. He replied that " he knows the existing condition of 
things very well, but that the dates of audience being fixed as 
above mentioned, it is not now possible to change them " ; and he 
repeated that " he will do his best to send the reply nextj Tuesday, 
(February 2)." 

Upon this Baron Komura, still anxious beyond measure 
to avoid the risks attendant upon these indefinite conditions, 
again telegraphed, on January 30, to Mr. Kurino to see 
Count Lamsdorff at the earliest opportunity and state to 
him that ; 

95 



THE RISEN SUN 

Having reported to your Government that the Russian Govern- 
ment would probably give a reply on next Tuesday, you have been 
instructed to say to Count Lamsdorff that, being fully convinced of 
the serious disadvantage to the two Powers concerned of the further 
prolongation of the present situation, the Imperial Government 
hoped that they might be able to receive the reply of the Russian 
Government earlier than the date mentioned by Count Lamsdorff. As 
it, however, appears that the receipt of the reply at an earlier date is 
not possible, the Imperial Government wish to know whether they 
will be honoured with the reply at the date mentioned by Count 
Lamsdorff, namely, next Tuesday (February 2), or, if it is not pos- 
sible, what will be the exact date on which the reply is to be given. 

On the evening of January 31 Mr. Kurino saw Count 
Lamsdorff, who said that he 

fully appreciated the gravity of the present situation, and was certainly 
desirous to send an answer as quickly as possible, but that the ques- 
tion was a very serious one and not lightly to be dealt with. The 
opinions of the Ministers concerned and of Admiral Alexeieff had to 
be brought into harmony — hence the delay. As to the date of send- 
ing an answer, it was not possible for him to give the exact date, as 
it entirely depended on the decision of the Emperor, though he would 
not fail to use his efforts to hurry the matter. 

It was not until the fifth day after this interview which 
Mr. Kurino had with Count Lamsdorff, and the third day 
after the reply had been once virtually promised to be given, 
namely, on February 5, 1904, at 2.15 p.m., that Baron 
Komura telegraphed to Mr. Kurino as follows : — 

Further prolongation of the present situation being inadmissible, 
the Imperial Government have decided to terminate the pending 
negotiations and to take such independent action as they may deem 
necessary to defend their menaced position and to protect their 
rights and interests. Accordingly, you are instructed to address 
to Count Lamsdorff, immediately upon receipt of this telegram, a 
signed Note to the following effect : — 

" The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of Japan, has the honour, in 
pursuance of instructions from his Government, to address to his 
Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs of his Majesty the Em- 
peror of AH the Russias the following communication : — 

" The Government of H.M. the Emperor of Japan regard the 
independence and territorial integrity of the Empire of Korea as 
essential to their own repose and safety, and they are consequently 
unable to view with indifference any action tending to render the 
position of Korea insecure. 

" The successive rejections by the Imperial Russian Government, 
by means of inadmissible amendments, of Japan's proposals respect- 

96 



FIRST HOSTILITIES 

ing Korea, the adoption of which the Imperial Government regarded 
as indispensable to assure the independence and territorial integrity 
of the Korean Empire and to safeguard Japan's preponderating 
interests in the peninsula, coupled with the successive refusals of the 
Imperial Russian Government to enter into engagements to respect 
China's territorial integrity in Manchuria, which is seriously menaced 
by their continual occupation of the province, notwithstanding their 
treaty engagements with China and their repeated assurances to 
other Powers possessing interests in those regions, have made it 
necessary for the Imperial Government seriously to consider what 
measures of self-defence they are called upon to take. 

" In the presence of delays which remain largely unexplained, 
and naval and military activities which it is difficult to reconcile with 
entirely pacific aims, the Imperial Government have exercised in the 
pending negotiations a degree of forbearance which they believe 
affords abundant proof of their loyal desire to remove from their 
relations with the Imperial Russian Government every cause for 
future misunderstanding ; but, finding in their efforts no prospect 
of securing from the Imperial Russian Government an adhesion either 
to Japan's moderate and unselfish proposals, or to any other pro- 
posals likely to establish a firm and enduring peace in the Extreme 
East, the Imperial Government have no alternative than to terminate 
the present futile negotiations. 

" In adopting that course the Imperial Government reserve to 
themselves the right to take such independent action as they may 
deem best to consolidate and defend their menaced position, as well 
as to protect their established rights and legitimate interests." 

Simultaneously with the presentation of this note Mr. 
Kurino was instructed to address Count Lamsdorff in 
writing to the following effect : — 

The undersigned Envoy Extraordinary, etc., etc., has the honour, 
in pursuance of instructions from his Government, to acquiant H.E. 
the Minister for Foreign Affairs, etc., etc., that the Imperial Govern- 
ment of Japan, having exhausted, without effect, every means of 
conciliation, with a view to the removal from their relations with 
the Imperial Russian Government of every cause for future complica- 
tions, and finding that their just representations and moderate and 
unselfish proposals in the interest of a firm and lasting peace in the 
Extreme East are not receiving the consideration which is their due, 
have resolved to sever their diplomatic relations with the Imperial 
Russian Government, which for the reason named have ceased to 
possess any value. 

In further fulfilment of the command of his Government, the under- 
signed has also the honour to announce to H. E. Count Lamsdorff 
that it is his intention to take his departure from St. Petersburg, 
with the staff of the Imperial Legation. 

These Notes were presented to Count Lamsdorff by Mr. 
Kurino on February 6, at 4 p.m., and on the same day 

97 H 



THE RISEN SUN 

Baron Komura conveyed a formal intimation to Baron 
Rosen, in Tokio, in the sense that 

Whereas the Japanese Government had made every effort to 
arrive at an amicable settlement of the Manchurian question with 
Russia, the latter had not evinced any disposition to reciprocate 
this peaceful purpose. Therefore Japan could not continue the 
diplomatic conferences. She was regretfully compelled to take 
independent action for the protection of her rights and interests, and 
she must decline to accept the responsibility of any incidents that 
might occur in consequence. 

A dispassionate perusal of all the foregoing despatches 
cannot fail to lead the student of history to the conclusion 
that repeated warnings were given by Japan in the succes- 
sive stages of the negotiations, and that the last two des- 
patches, dated Feburary 5, left absolutely no room for doubt 
that Japan had finally, though reluctantly, arrived at the 
conclusion that war was inevitable. The wording is polite, 
but who can doubt that it was a clear notice of war ? 

I must go farther than this ; and it will, I think, be 
equally plain when I have finished that not only had Japan 
made up her mind upon this point, but that Russia by her 
actions — ^which " speak louder than words '* — conclusively 
manifested that her intentions were warlike too. First, 
let me mention that the day on which Count Lamsdorff 
had led Mr. Kurino to expect that the reply would be ready 
was Tuesday, February 2. The day on which negotiations 
were finally broken off was Saturday, February 6. vOn 
the intervening Thursday the Russian fleet at Port Arthur 
"suddenly emerged from harbour and steamed out for hours 
to the south-eastward, ultimately returning to port. For 
what purpose this cruise was undertaken could not be 
divined, but it created of necessity intense excitement and 
anxiety in Japan, where it was interpreted as the prelude 
to some desperate measure, and the activity of the Russian 
naval squadron, thus exemplified, is wholly inconsistent 
with the theory of unpreparedness. It should be remembered 
that for a long time before this Russia had been pouring 
regiment after regiment into Manchuria, her Cossacks 
had invaded Korea, warship after warship had been des- 
patched from Western waters to reinforce the fleet which 
she already had in Far Eastern seas, and in her diplomacy 

98 



FIRST HOSTILITIES 

she had displayed a persistent arrogance which contrasted 
strongly with the conciliatory attitude of Japan. 

But this is not all. At the moment when Admiral Togo 
actually made his attack the Russian ships lay outside the 
harbour in a perfect battle array, in front of the shore forts 
and batteries of the fortress, a position that they had taken 
up on their return from their cruise to the south-eastward. 
Wherein was the unpreparedness ? If the officers of the 
Russian ships were caught in an unguarded moment, blame 
must not be imputed to the Japanese. The cause must 
rather be sought in a misconception on the part of the 
Russians of the watchful strategy which the situation de- 
manded. The facts are, moreover, that the Russian ships 
had lain under a full head of steam for days off the Port 
Arthur entrance, had been continually using their search- 
lights as though they apprehended an attack, the battle- 
ships had their decks cleared for action, and the instant that 
the first torpedo was launched the Russians opened fire 
on the Japanese boats. 

These remarks should alone suffice to show that Russia 
was not taken by surprise ; but I will show a few well- 
authenticated figures in addition. Her warlike prepara- 
tions in the Far East had been going on from the previous 
April, when she ought by right to have been completing 
the evacuation of Manchuria in accordance with her solemn 
pledges. In the remaining months of 1903 she despatched 
to Far Eastern waters 



Three battleships . . . . 
One armoured cruiser 


Combined 
Tonnage. 

. 38,488 
• 7,727 


Five other cruisers 


. 26,417 


Seven destroyers 

One gunboat .... 

Two mine-laying crafts 


. 2,450 

. . . 1,344 

6,000 



Seven other destroyers were sent by rail to Port Arthur 
and there put together, and two vessels of the " Volunteer " 
Fleet were armed and hoisted the Russian naval ensign at 
Vladivostok. 

On land the increase of the Russian forces was equally 
marked. The known augmentations, subsequent to the 
end of June, 1903, were two infantry brigades, two artillery 
battalions, and a large force of cavalry. The total was 

99 



THE RISEN SUN 

continually being increased by troops being sent by train 
from Russia, up to 40,000, and plans were made for despatch- 
ing over 200,000 more men. In October a train of fourteen 
cars was hurriedly sent off, laden with the equipment of a 
field hospital. 

On January 21 two battalions of infantry and a detach- 
ment of cavalry were sent from Port Arthur and Dalny to 
menace the northern frontier of Korea. On January 28 
Admiral Alexeieff gave to the Russian forces then stationed 
in the vicinity of the Yalu River orders to prepare for war. 
Troops were advanced in large numbers at the same time 
from Liao-Yang towards the Yalu. And on February i 
the military commandant at Vladivostok formally requested 
the Japanese Commercial Agent at that port, by order of 
the Russian Government, to notify Japan that a state of 
siege might be proclaimed at any moment. This was five 
days, be it observed, before Japan broke off diplomatic 
relations. 

Sir John Macdonell says : — 

It [the first torpedoing the Russian vessels] was an attack of surprise. 
Was it a treacherous and disloyal act ? The question must be put 
with the knowledge that a nation which is patient may be duped ; 
that the first blow counts much ; and that under cover of continuing 
negotiations a country unprepared might deprive another better 
equipped of its advantages. 

All that I have said above would be sufficient to solve 
these points of the question. The attack on Port Arthur 
was not an attack of surprise in the sense of international 
law. It can be at the most spoken of as an attack of tactical 
surprise, though it was not also the case. The party who 
was defeated can complain of it no more than he can com- 
plain of the defeat of the Yalu or Kinchow. The Russian 
plan was to deprive Japan of her chance, and either to bluff 
her off to the end or to fight at the hour of their own choice. 
Japan was patient enough ; if she were patient longer she 
would have been completely duped. As a matter of fact, 
there was some report that the plan of the Russians was to 
make a sudden raid on Japan on about February 20, and 
that was not at all improbable. Some Russians say that 
Russia never meant to go to war, and that the very fact 
that she was not at all prepared to cope with a little nation 
like Japan is the best proof of it. This does not follow at 

100 



FIRST HOSTILITIES 

all, and nothing is more foreign to the fact than to imagine 
that Russia was sincerely anxious to maintain peace. In the 
eyes of the Russians there was no such Japan as they have, 
or rather the world has, begun to see since the opening of the 
war. They trusted, no doubt, either to be able to bluff through 
or to crush us at a blow if necessary. Even in the battle 
of the Yalu, nay, even in the battle of Kinchow, or Wafangu, 
they were unable to believe that the Japanese were not after 
all " yellow monkeys " Only a little time ago an eminent 
French statesman told me that France understood Japan 
little, Russia still less ; and that it was the sole cause 
of the present unfortunate war. " In that respect," he 
continued, " England was sharper, for she understood the 
Far East, and, consequently, the changing circumstances 
of the world, before any other Occidental nation." There 
is, I believe, a good deal in it. 



lOI 



BOOK II 
A Nation in Training 



CHAPTER I 

THE INTRODUCTION OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION INTO JAPAN* 

THE Spanish and Portuguese who first entered Japan 
some three hundred years ago left nothing to mark 
their stay in the way of civiHzation. It is true they made 
a large number of Christian converts at the time, and it is 
said that the art of building castles in Japan owes a great 
deal to the suggestions of these visitors. But the country 
soon after became entirely closed to all foreigners. The 
establishment of a factory by the British East India Com- 
pany in its early days proved the reverse of successful from 
a commercial point of view and had to be abandoned. The 
Dutch alone were allowed periodically to come to the port 
of Nagasaki, where there was a small settlement at which 
they were allowed to trade, mainly by exchanging their 
European goods for the products of Japan. There were, 
of course, a certain number of interpreters in Nagasaki, but 
they only learnt to carry on conversation to a degree suffi- 
cient to permit of the transaction of business between the 
Dutch and the natives. None of these interpreters studied 
Dutch with any linguistic method, in fact, they were for- 
bidden to read and study books ; hence, of course, they 
could acquire no real insight into European science and 
knowledge. 

From the early part of the eighteenth century, however, 
things became very different . Tokugawa Yoshimune became 
the eighth Shogun of the Tokugawa line in the year 1716. 
He was a clever, enlightened person, and he took a consider- 
able interest in matters relating to the West, including the 
system of Astronomy and the European Calendar. He 

^ The English original of an article which appeared in the Christmas 
Number, 1904, of Wiener Tagehlatt. 

105 



THE RISEN SUN 

cancelled the prohibition of the importation of Dutch books, 
though the introduction of books on religion was still for- 
bidden. From that time the Dutch language gradually 
came to be studied scientifically and grammatically, though 
among a very limited circle. There is a book called The 
Commencement of Studies in Dutch, which lays bare all the 
difficulties which those who began to study Dutch books 
met with in getting at the proper meaning of Dutch words. 
The book was written by one who had surmounted the 
obstacles, and it therefore is authentic and very interesting. 
It states that a certain number of them, meeting together 
from time to time, laboriously plodded through some ele- 
mentary Dutch books. I remember one incident that was 
narrated where they had with great difficulty made out the 
meaning of a certain word X. They found out that the 
nose was X and the refuse piled in the corners of gardens 
were X, and hence they concluded that X was an adjective 
which described the shape of something which was a little 
elevated. By such a process as this they sought to make 
out the meaning of words, one after another. The European 
ideas which first took root in Japan were those appertaining 
to medical science. The men who first studied the Dutch 
language were as a consequence medical practitioners. 
The medical science of Japan was originally based upon the 
Chinese system, but as time went on the Western system 
supplanted it, and Dutch methods came into vogue, though 
only on a comparatively limited scale. There grew to be 
two systems of medicine practised side by side, one being 
called the Chinese system (kampo) the other the Dutch 
system (rampo). Little by little the sphere of the Dutch 
study extended itself, and a knowledge of that language 
came to be utilized for other purposes, chiefly in obtaining 
European intelligence. The next European idea to be 
introduced into Japan was that of matters military, though 
natural philosophy was by no means neglected. As is well 
known, from the latter part of the eighteenth century 
European ships began to make periodical appearances along 
the Asiatic sea coast, Japan not being any exception, until 
at last the tidings of the European invasion of China were 
brought to Japan. This being a rather alarming state of 
things, questions regarding the defensive measures of the 
country came to be discussed among the officials of the 

io6 



INTRODUCTION OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 

Government and the different feudal lords. With this, of 
course, there arose the desire of knowing more about the 
military systems of Europeans ; and men who had studied 
Dutch primarily for medical purposes came to be utilized 
as translators of those Dutch books which treated of such 
subjects as the drilling, training or composition of companies 
or regiments, or even of tactics and strategy. These 
books were not easily obtainable, nor were translations easy 
after the books had been procured, but strenuous en- 
deavours were made to undertake all these matters. 
This fact will also account for the circumstance that our 
best soldiers and statesmen of those days were often 
originally medical students. 

I remember reading in a French work something about 
the discovery of a book on tactics, translated from the 
Dutch in the camp of the Chosiu men after the bombard- 
ment of Shimonoseki, and of the amazement it created. 
But it was nothing surprising at all that such a volume 
should have been found. Japan was officially opened to 
foreign intercourse just about fifty years ago, and people 
generally think that no European ideas had found their 
way into Japan before then, so that they are led to express 
their astonishment at the great change which has been 
made during the last thirty or forty years. But history, 
to be exact, must differ a great deal from what people are 
apt to imagine the facts to have been. It is true that Dutch 
influence was not very extensive, but it was enough to give 
the general public of Japan a good start on the road to the 
introduction of European civilization whenever they came 
to make up their minds to effect a change. 

I will explain a little further. The headquarters of 
Dutch study, which was inaugurated in the manner stated 
above, was in Yedo (now Tokio), the seat of the Govern- 
ment of the Shogun, far away from the Dutch settlement 
in Nagasaki. There were, naturally enough, no Dutchmen 
there to study with, though among those Japanese who 
were most eager students some may have gone at one time 
or another to Nagasaki, where they perhaps had the advant- 
age of meeting here and there with the Dutch interpreters, 
or, on rare occasions, with even the Dutchmen themselves. 
I remember that I once personally heard the late Mr. Mitsu- 
kuri, a Dutch scholar, father of Professor Mitsukuri, who 

107 



THE RISEN SUN 

is now teaching in our university, telling about the diffi- 
culty he met with in learning foreign languages in his 
youth. In those days steel pens were as valuable to scholars 
as a jewel might be to a lady. If one such pen were by chance 
given to a student by some friend who had returned from a 
visit to Nagasaki he was in those days prone to consider it a 
handsome present and to treasure it with such tender care 
that it would be sedulously polished whenever it became 
rusty, and this process would be repeated over and over again. 
Mr. Mitsukuri actually did this himself ; he also told me 
that he had to copy the Dutch Dictionary " zooff." Mr. 
Mitsukuri of whom I am speaking — mind, there were several 
Mitsukuris — would be some eighty years of age if he were 
living now, so the period he spoke of as his youth would be 
some fifty or sixty years ago. From what he thus told me, 
we can well imagine how much more difficult things must 
have been in the days which precede his time by many 
decades of years. 

I will here mention some of the earlier and more impor- 
tant circumstances in the history of Japan's approximation 
to Western ideas. In 1725 some medical materials 
were manufactured according to the Western method. 
In 1744 Aoki Bunzo, a scholar and retainer of the 
Shogun, was ordered to study Dutch, and the next year 
the Dutch interpreters at Nagasaki were allowed to read 
and study Dutch books. This was after the lapse of 108 
years, during which time the interpreters had been for- 
bidden to read any Western books whatever. In 1757 
Sugita Gempaku advocated and practised the Western 
surgical treatment. In 1759 Hiraga Gennai propagated 
the study of electricity. In 1771 the same Sugita men- 
tioned above translated from the Dutch The New 
Treatise on Anatomy. This was the period when a 
group of medical men devoted themselves to the study 
of Dutch, as above described. Anatomical practice 
also commenced from about this period. In 1783 Ran- 
gaku-Kaitei (the ladder to Dutch study) was written by 
Otsuki Gentaku. In 1785 the Bankoku-Zusetsu (illus- 
trated description of the world), and the Komo-Zatsuwa 
(Miscellaneous talks relating to the Dutch) were published. 
In 1787 the Kaikoku-Heidan (Discourse on the military 
necessities of a sea-girt country) was written by Rin-Shihei. 

108 



INTRODUCTION OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 

About this period the art of copper engraving and of oil- 
painting were introduced by Shiba-Kokan and Denzen, 
simultaneously but independently. They both acquired 
these arts at Nagasaki. In 1796 the Dutch Dictionary 
Harma (?) was translated into the Japanese. The trans- 
lation of a Dutch medical book with the title of the Naikwa- 
Senyo by Udagawa Genzui was also published about this 
period. In the beginning of the nineteenth century the 
famous map of Japan with the longitudes and latitudes was 
completed by Ino Chiukei, it having cost him eighteen years' 
labour, and a " Complete Map of the World " was also 
published by him. In 1808 the Shogun Government issued 
an order whereby the official interpreters of Nagasaki were 
required to study both the Russian and English languages. 
In 1801 a public office of translation was created by the 
Shogun Government for the purpose of translating Western 
documents and books, and Otsuki Gentaku, Baba Sajiuro, 
and Utugawa Gensin and others were appointed as transla- 
tors. Here the Dutch scholars began to be valued for 
something else than their medical professional pursuits. 

After this period the works of the Dutch scholars multi- 
plied themselves as the appearance of the " black ships " 
of the West became more frequent, especially with the 
American advent in the Far East, followed by several Euro- 
pean Powers in the middle of the nineteenth century, which 
put the country in a commotion, and Japan came to be 
divided between two opinions concerning the " opening " 
thereof. It would be too tedious to give here any further 
lists of the work done by these famous scholars. Come 
what might, however, the superiority of Western arms and 
Western arts of war was recognized on all sides, and hence 
the Dutch scholars became very useful in translating Dutch 
books on military matters into Japanese. Notwithstanding 
all this, it must not be imagined that students of Dutch 
always enjoyed an enviable position. It was just a little 
before the American advent that Takano and Koseki, two 
Dutch scholars, had to commit Hara-kiri in implication 
with Watanabe Kwasan for their advocacy of the policy 
of opening the country. Even after that time the Dutch 
scholars often had very hard times of it, owing to the political 
animosities aroused. 

Towards the latter part of the Tokugawa regime the 

109 



THE RISEN SUN 

Japanese themselves began to visit Western countries. In 
the year i860 a mission was sent to America by the Shogun. 
It was then that a Japanese man-of-war of the Western 
type was despatched to San Francisco under the command 
of Japanese officers, with Kimura as their chief. In 1862 
some youths, including Katsu (afterwards Count) and 
Yenomoto (afterwards Viscount) were sent to Holland, 
partly to superintend the construction of a couple of men- 
of-war, partly to study naval affairs. In 1863 a number of 
young students were sent to England by the Shogun. This 
was followed by the despatch in the next few years of some 
more of these students to England, France, and Russia. 
Hayashi (now Viscount Hayashi) and Kikuchi (now Baron) 
Kikuchi were among those who were thus sent to England. 
About this time several missions, one after the other, were 
undertaken to Europe. 

It was not, however, the Shogun Government alone that 
sent students abroad. Satsuma and Chosiu, two clans 
which championed the cause of the restoration of the 
Imperial regime, also sent some. In 1863 five Chosiu 
students arrived in London. They were the pioneers 
of ordinary Japanese students who studied abroad. 
They all distinguished themselves in the service of 
their country on their return, Ito (Marquis) and Inouye 
(Count) being the greatest of them. Before their de- 
parture for England, Ito, Inouye, and most of his com- 
rades were vehement adherents of the anti-foreign party ; 
in fact, their entire clan of Chosiu was conspicuously so. 
But somehow or other they came to think that it was better 
for them to see the real condition of the West before they 
went too far, and Mr. Sufu (father of Baron Sufu, the present 
governor of Kanagawa), who was the most influential states- 
man of that clan, entertained the same view, which likewise 
was held by Murata (afterwards Omura, a Dutch scholar, 
and founder of the Japanese army). It is said that when 
Sufu decided to send them abroad he said he was going to 
make a few " living machines " in England for the future 
service of the country, and there exists a letter written by Ito, 
on the eve of their departure, in the name of himself and his 
comrade, stating that " they entreat the government of the 
clan to pardon them for costing it so much money on their 
account as they are sure to become good living machines," 

no 



INTRODUCTION OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 

and so they proved themselves. Three more of the Chosiu 
students were sent to England a little over a year after 
these five left ; but one of the three returned home from 
Shanghai for some reason or other and one died in England. 
In the course of a few years after the Chosiu students were 
sent abroad, Satsuma also sent a number, most of whom also 
distinguished themselves afterwards in the service of the 
country. Among these the names of Sameshima and Mori 
must be well remembered by many Westerners, as they were 
at one time and another our Ministers in America, England, 
and France. Satsuma also sent a mission, independently 
of the Shogun Government, to the grand Exhibition of 
1867 held in Paris. 

In those days much progress had been made in learning 
several Western languages, and also in introducing Western 
ideas, especially in medicine and in matters pertaining to 
the army and navy. Amongst the Europeans who did much 
in promoting learning, the names of Von Siebold and Baudin 
will ever be remembered. 

It was, however, after the inauguration of the new imperial 
regime that the whole nation went heart and soul into the 
adoption of European modes and ideas of enlightenment, 
although there was still much difficulty in the way. One 
of the first utterances of the Emperor was his solemn oath 
to seek wisdom and intelligence from all nations and to cast 
off old and out-of-date notions of our own. Competent 
instructors were enlisted from America, Britain, France, 
and Germany, nay, also from other European states. Our 
countrymen, officials and students alike, were also des- 
patched to Western countries to seek whatever good they 
could gather in those countries, to be utilized for our land. 
The governments and people of those countries were 
far from being slack in assisting our country's efforts to 
advance herself in this direction. And thus Japan began 
her great work of transforming herself on the basis of Western 
civilization — a task by no means unarduous. Yet we are 
now told in many quarters in Europe that we are to be 
despised because we have been so diligent in following the 
instruction of our teachers and in seeking to emulate the pro- 
gress of the Western Powers. Let me ask, in conclusion, 
is this quite fair ? 

Ill 



CHAPTER II 

LEGAL STATUS OF FOREIGNERS IN JAPAN/ 



IT is now fifty years since Japan gave up her seclusion 
from the world and concluded in the course of a few 
years (i.e. 1854 ^^^ after) treaties of peace and commerce 
with the Western nations one after another. Up to 1899, 
however, the foreigners had the privilege of settling in Japan 
only in a limited sphere within a narrow radius of the five 
ports which were opened for foreign trade. In those days 
foreigners had their own jurisdiction ; that is to say, their 
Consular agents exercised jurisdiction over their respective 
countrymen by the privilege of the treaties — in other words, 
all foreigners coming to Japan had extra-territoriality. 
They had no right, on the other hand, of travelling in the 
interior beyond a certain compass unless a passport were 
given by special permission. In the open ports where they 
had settled they had their own local administration in their 
own hands. In 1899, when the new revised treaties between 
the Powers and Japan came into force, all these things 
changed. Foreigners now may not only travel in any part of 
Japan they like, but may also reside and do their business 
anywhere. On the other hand, however, they have no longer 
extra-territoriality ; the Consular jurisdiction has been 
given up. They have no longer communal administration 
of their own ; this also has been given up entirely into the 
hands of the Japanese authorities. It may under the cir- 
cumstances be of some interest to examine what is the exact 
status of the foreigners in Japan. 

Broadly speaking, the status of the foreigners in Japan 

^ The English original of an article which appeared in the Easter 
number (1905) of the Wiener Tagehlatt. 

112 



FOREIGNERS IN JAPAN 

is almost identical with that which the Westerners have in 
another country among themselves. The lex loci of Japan 
governs every person who finds himself in the lands of Japan. 
Therefore, if any foreigner commits any offence punishable 
by the law of Japan, he will be arrested, prosecuted, and 
punished accordingly by the Courts of Japan. Of course 
he has the right of appeal, etc., exactly as has any Japanese. 
In civil matters also he has the same rights and obligations 
as Japanese subjects, except in some special matters of 
which I will speak presently. This principle is enunciated 
in the first part of the civil code where an Article is formu- 
lated, thus : — 

Foreigners enjoy civil rights except in the cases where excep- 
tional provision is made by law or in treaty. 

The term " civil rights " of course implies civil obligations 
as well. All foreigners, therefore, may sue, and be sued, 
in Japanese courts. They may possess or dispose of pro- 
perty ; they may set up business establishments and sell 
or buy commercial articles ; they may acquire shares in 
different companies, and be partners in business. There- 
fore, roughly speaking, they have all fields of enterprise open 
to them. The first exception wherein a difference is made 
between foreigners and Japanese subjects, is that no real 
ownership of land is allowed to foreigners. This is laid down 
in the terms of the treaties. They may, however, acquire pos- 
session of lands on a long lease for any number of years, which 
practically, therefore, is almost the same as real ownership. 
Foreigners, as I said before, may form a company in Japan 
according to the Japanese laws, so long as no real owner- 
ship of land is acquired, and, moreover, they may be partners 
in a company possessing real ownership of land if the com- 
pany be formed in conjunction with Japanese subjects. 
This has been interpreted in this way in the diplomatic 
notes attached to the German- Japanese treaty, which hold 
good, of course, with subjects of any other treaty Powers. 
In extreme cases it amounts to this, that so long as there be 
one Japanese subject among them, a company with rights^to 
acquire the ownership of land may be formed by foreigners. In 
mining concessions it is expressly provided by law that they 
can be granted only to Japanese subjects and companies 
formed according to^ Japanese laws. From this it results 

113 I 



THE RISEN SUN 

that no foreign individual may acquire mining concessions, 
but he may be a partner in a company which works mines ; 
in other words, foreigners may be partners with Japanese, 
or may possess shares in a Japanese mining company. 
There are some banking and shipping companies in which 
foreigners cannot participate. This is done either directly 
by law or by the constitution of the company, which is 
subject to the approval of the Government. This pro- 
hibition, however, is connected with some special kinds of 
companies for obvious reasons, and their number is few. 
Thus in the case of the N.Y. Steamship Company, foreigners 
may not become partners, because the company is sub- 
sidized by the Government, and it is not thought wise to 
subsidize foreign shareholders. In the case of banks, 
there are a few banks which are under the special protection 
of the Government. Foreigners cannot profit themselves 
by becoming participators in them. This kind of exceptoin 
exists, and with reason, in almost all countries. With 
regard to private railways, it has been held by the military 
authorities that it is not desirable to allow foreigners to 
become shareholders, for military reasons. The danger of 
foreign influence becoming predominant in such an under- 
taking was felt to be one that could not with safety be 
ignored. With these exceptions all foreigners who go to 
Japan may be regarded as having exactly the same civil 
rights in every matter as Japanese subjects. 



II 

There are several methods by which foreigners may 
become Japanese subjects. The first of these methods is, 
of course, naturalization. The law relating to naturaliz- 
ation in Japan does not in principle differ much from 
those prevailing among the Western nations. Any foreigner 
may naturalize in Japan by permission of the Minister of 
the Interior. The conditions for doing so are as follows : — 

1. That one has a continuous domicile in Japan for more than five 
years. 

2. That one is more than twenty years old and has civil capacity 
according to the law of the native country of the individual in 
question. 

114 



FOREIGNERS IN JAPAN 

3. That one has good morals. 

4. That one has means or abihty to obtain an independent liveli- 
hood. 

5 . That one has no legal nationality anywhere else, or that, accord- 
ing to the law of one's own country, one will lose one's former nation- 
ality the moment he or she acquires the new Japanese nationality. 

The last condition will show that a subject of any nation 
that does not permit the effacement of his nationality of 
that country, even though he acquires new nationality, 
would not be allowed to be naturalized in Japan. The 
wife of any foreigner cannot be naturalized in Japan unless 
she does so together with her husband. There are some 
cases where the first of the five conditions above mentioned 
may be dispensed with or shortened. For instance, a 
person whose father or mother was a Japanese subject, or 
one who was born in Japan, or one whose wife was a Japanese. 
In the case of a person who has done some distinguished 
service for Japan, naturalization may be permitted by 
special permission of the Emperor, irrespective of the con- 
ditions above mentioned. There are several provisions 
relating to minor points of naturalization which I omit here 
because the principle is much the same as those of other 
countries, as I have said before. 

There are two other means of becoming a Japanese sub- 
ject, these are by marriage and adoption. A woman who 
marries a foreigner generally acquires the nationality of 
her husband and loses her own. This is also the case by 
our law, but with us there is another peculiar provision. 
When a man becomes husband of a woman and becomes 
adopted into her family and assumes the family name of 
the wife, he is with us technically called " entering husband," 
i.e., a man who becomes husband by entering into the wife's 
family. If a foreigner follows this method of marriage, he 
becomes a Japanese ipso facto. Of course for doing this 
there are certain conditions before one can get permission 
for it from the Minister of the Interior. The conditions 
are two : — 

1, That he has possessed a residence or domicile for more than a 
year continuously in Japan. 

2. Good morals. 

This kind of marriage may appear rather peculiar to foreign- 

115 



THE RISEN SUN 

ers, but in Japan adoption is very common, as it was with 
the Romans, and it is in one way productive of much good 
to society. As a matter of fact, the so-called " entering 
husband " is only one method of adoption. There is another 
method by which one can become a Japanese, and it is by 
becoming the adopted child of a Japanese subject. This 
kind of adoption is more common amongst the Japanese 
than the former one, that is, the adoption by becoming an 
" entering husband." The conditions which are imposed 
upon foreigners on becoming the adopted son or daughter 
of a Japanese are the same as in the case of the entering 
husband. There are, as is common in all countries, certain 
functions from which all naturalized subjects, be it by 
ordinary naturalization or by adoption or marriage, are pre- 
cluded as a measure of political caution. These are : — 

1. Ministers of State. 

2. President, Vice-President, as well as members of Privy Council. 

3. Officers of Chokunin rank of the Imperial household. 

4. Ministers plenipotentiary. 

5. Generals and Admirals. 

6. Chief of the Cours de Cassation, of the Audit Board and of 
the Administrative Court, and 

7. Members of the Diet. 

There are several foreigners who have become Japanese 
subjects by one or other of these methods. The famous 
Lafcadio Hearn, among others, was one of these. He became 
a member of his wife's family and inscribed himself in the 
Japanese Hat civil as Koizumi Yakumo, Koizumi being 
his wife's family name. 



m 

Compare the foregoing conditions of the country with 
those which had existed until fifty years ago for centuries. 
What a difference ! In those days no foreigners, as I have 
said before, were allowed to enter the Japanese land. The only 
exception was that of the Dutch, who were allowed to come 
and trade with us at the port of Nagasaki, but the space 
where they were allowed to conduct their trading transactions 
and build houses to shelter themselves was confined to a 

116 



FOREIGNERS IN JAPAN 

small island in the harbour connected with the mainland by 
a bridge. Some of their representatives were occasionally 
allowed to visit the capital of the Shogun, the modern 
Tokio, but very rarely, and this was done only on the occasion 
of the accession of a new Shogun to the Shogunate. The 
Chinese were allowed to come to Nagasaki occasionally for 
the purpose of exchanging goods in a similar manner with 
the Dutch and other Asiatics ; the Koreans were the only 
exception ; they paid their official homage in the shape 
of a special envoy to visit the capital of the Shogun on the 
accession of a new Shogun. And yet it would be a mistake 
to suppose that Japanese were always antagonistic to foreign- 
ers. About three hundred years ago the Portuguese and the 
Spanish were welcomed in Japan. But the policy of exclu- 
sion was adopted only because those who had been welcomed 
abused their privilege, disturbed our peace and order, and even 
tried to destroy our sovereign rights. There was also a time 
when the English East India Company had its branch office 
and factory in the island of Hirado, which was the trading 
port before Nagasaki was opened ; but these English closed 
their factory, having found it not lucrative. Before the open- 
ing of our country fifty years ago, and for some time after, 
some sort of dislike of foreigners was manifested among 
certain classes of the Japanese. But that sentiment was 
due primarily to political reasons. We did not like the way 
in which the foreigners tried to force us to open our country. 
We soon found out, however, that it was no use to shut up 
the country as we had done, and the policy of opening the 
country which was adopted by the Government of the 
Shogun, was carried out more thoroughly by the new Im- 
perial Government under which the country was unified, as 
every one knows, in 1868. Since then everything European 
has been studied, valued, and respected. At one time 
there was even a sort of mania for things European. We 
have had our civilization in our own way, and we do not 
under-estimate its merits ; but we also saw that it ought to 
be revivified with the spirit of the European civilization. 
We have seen that there was nothing pugnacious in the 
Europeans, and we have become more cosmopolitan in our 
notions. We are quite prepared to go hand in hand with 
the Europeans on the paths of Western civilization so long 
as the Westerners do not adopt different steps. There are, 

117 



THE RISEN SUN 

therefore, many chances for the Europeans to promote more 
and more the commercial intercourse between Japan and 
their respective countries, and to extend their ability and 
intelligence in promoting industrial enterprises as well. 
In order to discover a good opening each individual, as 
elsewhere, must depend upon his own ability and pluck, 
but, speaking generally, there is a good field. Would it not 
be a great blessing if the day came when the West and the 
Far East developed to the best of their mutual advantage 
the commerce and the industry which already exist ? 



Ii8 



CHAPTER III 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 



1 



IN another chapter, entitled " The ReHgions of Japan," 
I shall dwell upon the relative positions of Buddhism, 
Shintoism, and Confucianism in Japan ; in the present 
chapter I propose to myself to discover the moral notions 
which govern the Japanese mind, and how they are incul- 
cated among the people at large. 

I am acquainted to some extent with the Greek ethics 
of the Platonic school, and also with the moral teaching 
of the Gospel. Our moral notions, as it seems to me, do 
not materially differ from either in essence and purport, 
though in classification of the different virtues, and in the 
prominence given to one or other of these virtues above the 
rest, all these systems in some respect diverge. 

Tenets of morality have been taught in Japan for cen- 
turies in various ways, and it has ever been a prominent 
feature of our education that stress should be laid upon this 
branch of intellectual culture. It developed itself most 
conspicuously side by side with Bushido during the last 
three centuries, but it was by no means limited to the 
military class alone ; for wherever literature was studied 
these doctrines of morality were ipso facto associated with 
that study, and, moreover, among illiterate people the teach- 
ing took the form of popularized lectures, or of most easily 
read books, while by religious preachers the subject was 
enlarged upon as constituting a supplementary basis for most 
ardent exhortation to their followers. The dicta were 
chiefly founded upon Confucianism, but in such a manner 
as to conform to our own ideas and characteristics. 

With the inauguration of our own Meiji era, a system of 

^ The Nineteenth Century and After, February, 1905, 

119 



THE RISEN SUN 

universal education was gradually introduced, in which 
moral teaching formed an important branch of the curri- 
culum. As time went on, however, some difficulties began 
to arise through the want of a universal standard of excel- 
lence on which the attention of the students should become 
focussed and the endeavour of the teachers concentrated. 
This need, which was a very real one, arose from the fact 
that, on one hand, the old books on the subject were too 
numerous and too diversified in character, and, on the other, 
new books written by modern writers were not sufficiently 
authoritative to command the students' reverence. Then, 
too, as the country was in a state of transition, it was apt 
to give rise to varied speculative views likely to distract the 
teachers' thoughts as well as those of restless youths, so 
that it might end in producing results unfavourable to the 
purpose in view. In a word, the want of a textual injunction 
which should authoritatively set forth the fundamental 
principles and serve as the guiding star, as it were, in edu- 
cational circles began to be severely felt. This want was 
supplied by the Emperor himself, whose well-considered 
initiative is ever most eagerly followed, and his watchful 
care for their welfare most promptly appreciated by his 
loyal subjects. This step, taken by the Emperor in 1890, 
consisted of a special injunction to the nation, commonly 
called the " Educational Imperial Rescript." The issue 
of such an injunction was altogether exceptional, and was 
ascribable to the exceptional nature of the circumstances. 
After the declaration, in the preliminary part of the rescript, 
that the notions of loyalty and filiar piety universally en- 
tertained were based on the traditions left by the Im- 
perial ancestors and the national characteristics of the 
Japanese through untold generations, it proceeds : — 

It is our desire that you, our subjects, be filial to your parents, 
and well-disposed to your brothers and sisters. Let husband and 
wife dwell harmoniously together ; let friends be mutually trust- 
worthy. Impose upon yourselves self-restraint and rectitude of 
behaviour. Extend to the multitude philanthropy. Advance 
learning and regulate your pursuits, developing the intellectual facul- 
ties and perfecting the virtuous and useful elements. Further, seek 
to enhance the public good and enlighten the world by deeds of 
social benefit. Treasure always the fundamental constitution and 
respect the national laws. In any emergency exert yourselves in the 
public service, and exhibit voluntarily your bravery in the cause of 

120 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 

order. And by every means assist and promote the prosperity of 
the Imperial regime, which is lasting as the heavens and the earth. 
Thus you will not only be our loyal subjects and good citizens, but 
will manifest the highest and best traditions of your ancestors. 

This moral precept the Emperor declared in his own name, 
as well as for his successors, that he would zealously ob- 
serve in common with his loyal subjects. Throughout all 
grades of the educational system in Japan this precept forms 
the fundamental basis of the moral and ethical teachings. 
As, however, greater stress in this respect is put upon ele- 
mentary education, I will describe below how it is imparted 
in the elementary schools. 

These are divided into two grades — the common and the 
higher elementary schools. In the first article of the Im- 
perial Ordinance of 1900, relating to elementary schools, 
which is the one in force at this moment, it being an 
amended version and summary of previous ordinances, the 
primary object of these schools is laid down thus : — 

The fundamental object of the elementary schools is to endow 
the children with the foundation of moral and popular education, 
and so equip them with ordinary knowledge and attainments neces- 
sary for their after success in life, paying attention at the same time 
to their physical development. 

Based upon this article, moral teaching forms a part of 
the school curriculum, and according to the time-table, 
as it stands at present, two hours per week during the school 
terms are devoted solely to this purpose for every class. In 
the second article of the Departmental Ordinance of the 
Ministry of Education, which is a direction for carrying 
into practice the provisions of the Imperial Ordinance, it 
is provided that : — 

The essential point of moral teaching should be to nourish and 
develop the virtuous instincts of the children and to lead them to the 
actual practice of morality, making the precept of the Imperial 
rescript relating to education its base. 

It then goes on to direct that, at first, matters which are 
easy and simple to emulate, relating to filial piety, brotherly 
kindness, friendship, frugality, truthfulness, self-restraint, 
bravery, and suchlike virtues, should be taught, gradually 
advancing to the subject of such simple topics as those of 

121 



THE RISEN SUN 

one's duties as regards the State and society, and thus ele- 
vating the sentiments and strengthening the ideas of the 
young, and fostering in their minds an enterprising and 
courageous spirit, as well as a due respect for public virtues, 
coupled with the loftiest admiration of patriotism and 
loyalty. In teaching all these, illustrations should be given 
of the wise sayings and commendable doings of exemplary 
persons, and full use made of maxims and proverbs. In 
the case of the girls, care should be taken that they be thor- 
oughly instructed in the womanly virtues. The difference 
of teaching between the common and higher schools is only 
in respect of the treatment of the subject, one being more 
advanced than the other. 

To infuse moral sentiments into the minds of the young 
is also to be kept in view in teaching other subjects — i.e. 
in history, geography, science, and even in drawing and 
singing. Thus, for example, even in the teaching of science, 
not only may an elementary knowledge of natural objects 
and phenomena be conveyed, but the training of the mind is 
expected " to nurture and develop a love of nature." 

On three of the great festival days of Japan — viz. the 
ist of January, the nth of February, and the birthday of the 
Emperor — the master and teachers of every school, to- 
gether with all its scholars, gather in its main hall to cele- 
brate the occasion, and there the " Imperial Rescript " 
is read aloud by the master, and an appropriate address 
is given by him in the way of exposition of its solemn 
precepts. 

Such, then, are the methods we adopt in the tuition of 
our children in regard to morality. True it is that religion 
as such, forms no part of their scholastic training, and that 
this branch of education is entirely left to the parents. 
What I have said above, however, will amply show that 
sufficient care is taken of the rising generation in regard to 
these matters. Perhaps I may mention here that as far 
as the common elementary schools are concerned, education 
is obligatory, exceptions being allowed only for special 
causes. It may also be mentioned that there is no com- 
munity in Japan where no elementary scholastic training 
is provided for. 

School age begins at six. The course of common ele- 
mentary schools is four years, while that of higher elemen- 

122 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 

tary schools is four years in ordinary cases, and two years in 
cases where the children are destined to be sent to the middle 
schools. 

According to the twenty-ninth annual report of the Minister 
of Education, the statistics of the elementary schools for 
1901-2 show the following : ^ 

(i) Total number of children under obligation to attend 
school : — 

Male Female Total 

3,388,273 3,109,216 6,497,489 

(2) Number of the same receiving the prescribed course 
of instruction : — 

Male Female Total 

3,177,486 2,543,440 5,720,926 

(3) Number of children who were excused from school 
attendance : — 

Temporary Exemption Permanent Exemption Total 

^. ■ •^ V ^ ■*■ — -^s. ^ "^ ' % Total of 

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male and Female 

178,131 483^930 32,696 81,846 210,787 565,776 776,563 

(4) Pupils of both sexes receiving instruction per cent, 
of the school age population : 

Male Female Both sexes 

9378 81 -80 88-05 

From this it will be easily seen that the greatest care that 
we can possibly take is actually being taken in teaching 
morality to our boys and girls at large. I may here add 
that there are many text books based on the Imperial Res- 
cript, published with sanction of the Minister of Educa- 
tion for the use of the teachers as well as students, varying 
in their form and scope according to the requirement of the 
different grades of students. 

As to the soldiers and sailors who are taken by the univer- 
sal service system from among the boys thus brought up, 
further care of them is diligently taken in the same direc- 
tion. In our military and naval instruction there is one 
branch which we commonly call the " spiritual education." 
This is no other than moral teaching. In it also the " Edu- 
cational Imperial Rescript " plays an important part, but 

^ These figures do not include Formosa. 

123 



THE RISENfSUN 

for this purpose there is another Imperial injunction, com- 
monly called the " Gunjin (Soldiers and Sailors) Imperial 
Rescript." It was issued by the Emperor in 1882, when 
the universal service system was modified and made more 
thorough, and it is more exhaustive and of older date than 
the educational rescript. 

After having recounted the chief features of the long his- 
tory of the military organization of the Empire from its 
very beginning, it being demonstrated how, in ancient days, 
all the youths of the Empire served in the Imperial army, 
and how they were led personally by the Emperor, the 
Empress, or the princes of the Imperial blood, and how, 
in the Middle Ages, the military classes gradually came to 
have a distinct formation, and how all this was reformed at 
last, the rescript proceeds thus : 

Know that We are the Grand Marshal of you the warriors. We rely 
upon you as the arms and legs, and you should regard your Sove- 
reign as your head and neck, and thus only can our mutual sympathy 
be deepened. Whether or not We shall be able to protect Our 
State, thereby responding to the blessing of supreme heaven, and 
deserve and repay the deep benefactions conferred by Our illustrious 
ancestors, depends upon whether or not you, the warriors, discharge 
your mission. Should the prestige of our Empire decay, you should 
share the pain with Us. Should the martial spirit of the Empire 
be raised and give forth its lustre, We would share the fame with 
you. If you all cling to your duty, and, becoming of one mind with 
Us, exert your strength for the protection of the State, the people 
of our Empire will enjoy everlastingly the happiness of peace, and 
the glory of Our Empire might even be augmented and become the 
light of the world. As We entertain so much hope of you. Our 
warriors. We have some instructions to give you. 

Then the rescript goes on to elucidate these instructions 
under five headings : (i) That soldiers should make it 
their function to exert themselves to the utmost of their 
loyalty and patriotism ; (2) that they should strictly observe 
decorum ; (3) that they should prize courage and bravery ; 

(4) that they should treasure faith and confidence ; and 

(5) that they should practise frugality. All these headings 
are followed by full and adequate exposition given to each 
clause separately, care being enjoined that at the same 
time none may be led astray by excess of zeal. Thus, for 
instance, under the heading of courage and bravery it is 
enjoined that " one who prizes courage and bravery should 

124 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 

be modest and endeavour to win the love and respect of 
others," and under the heading of faith and confidence the 
soldier is warned not to make promises carelessly, as one 
is sometimes apt to prejudice essential duties on account 
of trifling obligations. Care is also to be taken not to forget 
the value of gentleness of mind. Thus, under the heading 
of decorum, it is enjoined that : — 

The superiors should not be arrogant to their inferiors, cases 
where one has to comport oneself with dignity on account of the 
nature of public duties being excepted. One should endeavour to 
deal with all matters carefully, ever mindful of kindness as the 
fundamental basis of one's actions ; and thus the superior and the 
inferior, becoming of one mind, may discharge adequately the 
duties incumbent upon them in regard to Imperial affairs. 

In the concluding paragraph it is enjoined that these five 
instructions are the very essence of the soldier's life and his 
rules of conduct, and it goes on to say that " sincerity " is 
highly prized, audit is earnestly enjoined upon every one to 
adhere to these precepts with " one sincere mind." 

Officers and rank and file, one and all, are expected to 
learn this rescript almost by heart. Officers endeavour 
constantly to imbue the rank and file with its spirit and 
tone, and the first thing the new recruits have to do is to 
study it side by side with their technical training. Our 
soldiers and sailors are all trained in this fashion, and, 
indeed, the utmost pains are taken in respect thereof. 

Such are, then, the fundamental principles of the moral 
teaching of Japan in the schools as well as in the barracks. In 
imparting them, of course, much elucidation and exposition 
are employed so as to inculcate these sentiments in the minds 
of the recipients. To effect this the more completely, 
illustration is obtained from various sources, historical and 
otherwise, and not merely from Japan, but from other 
lands. Narratives of the lives of great and good men are 
freely given for the edification of the scholars, and the highest 
examples are in this way selected as a basis for the formation 
of the youthful character. The maxims of the sages are 
similarly impressed, and every channel whence mental profit 
is to be derived is laid under contribution for the inculca- 
tion of every moral virtue. 

To the outsiders who have not grown up in an atmosphere 
of this kind, it may appear somewhat difficult to comprehend 

125 



THE RISEN SUN 

how boys and girls could be thoroughly imbued with moral 
sentiments without connecting these in some way with reli- 
gion ; but when they are taught with thoroughness, basing 
their systematic exposition on the duties of human beings 
towards one another and to the State, and on the noble 
tradition of their own community and the characteristic 
virtues of their forefathers in which they ought to rejoice, 
and when appeals are made to the honour and pride which 
one should feel and value, and, above all, to the conscience 
of individuals, one's thoughts appear to become imbued 
with the lessons conveyed, and moral notions thus taught 
seem to become per se a kind of undefined but none the less 
potent and serviceable religion. This seems approximate 
to a correct delineation of the feelings of the bulk of the 
educated classes of Japan — at least, I feel it to be so myself. 
The cardinal points of Oriental ethics are loyalty and 
filial piety. Of these two, filial piety takes precedence in 
China, but greater stress is laid in Japan on loyalty. This 
is where the difference between Chinese and Japanese ethics 
is most noticeable. Then, again, in Japan, side by side 
with loyalty, the doctrine of patriotism is rigidly enforced. 
When historically examined, the notion of patriotism is of 
much later development. As a matter of fact no such 
word finds place in the enumeration of different virtues 
in the Confucian teaching, and it seems never to have taken 
any hold of the masses in China. It may be remarked that, 
as the Chinese nation believed itself to stand so high as to 
be practically alone, and took no account of other States 
— a belief which was fostered by the ease with which it 
was seen to absorb any venturesome peoples who threatened 
its borders — the spirit of national rivalry, which in great 
measure gives rise to patriotism, was entirely lacking 
in ancient China. Moreover, as the Chinese wholly 
or in the greater part fell in succession under the sway of 
foreign dynasties, the Liao, Kin, Yuen, and Ching in turn, 
it obviously was not to the interest or advantage of those 
dynasties that patriotism should be roused among China's 
millions. The Chinese were always fond of China as their 
native land ; they wished to return to it, alive or dead, if 
they were away ; but this love of country did not prompt 
them very keenly to take measures to protect it from in- 
vasion, or to die in its defence, and it was not to the benefit 

126 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 

of the ruling house that any more patriotic spirit than this 
should take root. The case is very different with Japan, 
and yet even in Japan the term Ai-koku-Shin (" the mind 
that loves the country ") is very modem. In former 
days the equivalent of Ai-koku was Ho-koku — i.e. repaying 
what one owes to the country ; the idea being that the people, 
as subjects of the sovereign, owed a duty to the country, 
and it behoved them to sacrifice themselves in its cause. 
The term " country " was thus used more in the sense of 
the State than in the sense of the land. Even in this sense 
patriotism was not so old an idea — in literature, at least — 
as loyalty. This was only natural when the country 
had no exterior concern with the outer world, or, at least, 
when it was not subjected to external pressure from 
other countries. But, with the march of time, patriotism 
has made with us a deep and enduring impression 
on the minds of the people, together with the most intense 
realization of loyalty. In this Japan has been most happily 
situated. Let me explain myself in full, though it may 
sound somewhat dogmatic. 

In Japan, broadly speaking, the country, the land, the 
people, the nation, and the State are co-extensive ; they 
may, therefore, from an ethical point of view, be said to be 
with us Japanese one and the same thing. Then, on the 
other hand, the reigning Emperor, the Imperial dynasty, 
and the State are, sophistic as it may appear, almost synony- 
mous from the moral point of view, and constitute, in their 
mutual relationship to one another the most lofty object 
of all that Japanese people can ever have before them in 
the secular world, which, therefore, may be regarded as 
though thereby transformed and spiritualized. There is 
an absolute community of interest in this tripartite relation- 
ship, consequently there is no possibility of making any 
distinction between these inseparable elements in the mind 
and eye of the Japanese people. Then, too, the reigning 
Imperial family, and the country traditionally and histori- 
cally, are most closely bound together, and the Empire, 
in respect of the sway exercised by that august family, 
is entirely co-existent with it in regard to both time and 
space. Hence, in the mind and eye of the Japanese, be it 
from the point of view of a loyal subject or of a good citizen, 
all these — i.e. the Emperor, the Imperial dynasty, the State, 

127 



THE RISEN SUN 

the country, and the nation — are one and the same thing ; 
and devotion to the cause of any of these serves, pari passu, 
its purpose to promote the good of any other. In the 
Japanese conception, therefore, true patriotism includes 
love for the Emperor, and true loyalty includes love for 
the country, and hence patriotism and loyalty may be 
said to be almost identical as to their relative purport. 

With us, speaking as a member of the community, the 
State is always put above the individual in the way that 
Socrates taught the Greeks in his beautiful dialogue con- 
cerning the duties of a citizen. The doctrine of Liberty has 
also taken deep root in the mind of the Japanese in recent 
years, but the idea of individualism is nevertheless regarded 
as subservient to principles of State, as, I believe, it ever 
ought to be. 

This attitude of mind arises from the combination of unique 
conditions with which Japan is favoured. In the first 
place, the Imperial dynasty has always been the same, and 
rightly lays claim to a remote antiquity, so that no dynastic 
predilections involving differences of opinion among the 
people can ever agitate the public mind. In the second 
place, so far as our history carries us back — and that is a 
very long way — the nation has always been compact and 
united, save for those minor periodical disturbances and in- 
ternal dissensions that are common to the lot of nations" at 
large, and no other race has ever intermingled with ours. 
In the third place, the Japanese people were never scattered 
abroad beyond the confines of the Empire, and the land of 
the Empire is the graveyard of all their ancestors as far 
as history knows ; and in the fourth place, Japan has 
never suffered any foreign conquest. An attack on a gigan- 
tic scale was made in the thirteenth century on Japan, as 
elsewhere, by the Mongols, before whom the whole world 
once trembled and mostly succumbed. It was the only 
instance of foreign invasion of Japan worth mentioning ; 
but we repelled it effectively. 

All this makes the Japanese, from the highest to the 
lowest, feel an immeasurable pride in their country, though 
by no means boastfully, and its culmination is the very 
acme of loyalty and patriotism. Only the other day I 
accidentally came across an English translation of a war 
song, entitled " Now is the time," by the late Commander 

128 



MORAL TEACHING IN JAPAN 

Takeo Hirose, our naval hero of Port Arthur, which he 
improvized shortly before he went to his doom. The 
earlier part of it gives a very good idea of the Japanese 
conception of loyalty and patriotism in a concrete form, so 
I quote below the first stanza of it : — 

Boundless like the dome of heaven above. 

Is what we owe to our Emperor ; 

Fathomless as the deep sea below, 

Is what we owe to our country. 

Now is the time to repay what we owe. 

Hirose was just the sort of man who, had he been a Roman 
warrior, would joyously have sung at the last moment of 
life the sublime line, however hackneyed it may be : — 

Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. 

Many people outside Japan seem amazed at the valour 
and fortitude of our soldiers and sailors at the front, 
testifying, as they do, to the intensity of their loyalty 
and patriotism. But what I have stated above will, 
I hope, go a long way in explaining how deeply these 
notions are engrafted in the mind of the Japanese, 
and why they can be implicitly trusted to bear good fruit 
in due season. 



129 K 



CHAPTER IV 

THE JAPANESE CHARACTER^ 

YOUR Council has cordially invited me to deliver an 
address before you on the subject of Japanese Charac- 
ter. I accepted the invitation with a certain feeling of 
diffidence, fearing that my utterances might sound in your 
ears like blowing the trumpet of self-praise, or that in 
another way it might be a mere repetition of what already 
has been written and spoken by those who are more compe- 
tent among your own people. As, however, your Council 
has insisted on hearing something direct from Japanese 
lips, I now venture to present you with a brief delineation 
of our national character. We have a saying that " human 
minds are like their faces," meaning there are no two minds 
which are exactly alike. This is the case with we Japanese, 
just as much as it is the case with you Westerners. It must 
therefore be taken for granted that all I tell you is only a 
summary or a generalization from facts which are more 
conspicuous than others. 

In the first place, I must point out that we are not a nation 
of high imagination : in this respect we differ very much 
from the Hindoos. You all know that the Indian people 
have been from the earliest periods of history a race per- 
meated with the highest forms of imagination ; they have 
evinced the highest trends of metaphysical ideas, ideas not 
necessarily always scientific, and hence they have been in 
many ways carried into all sorts of channels culminating 
in the very extremes of superstitious fantasy. The conse- 
quence of this is to be seen in the fact that they have never 
supplied any dates in recording their history. There have 

^ An address delivered at the reception specially given in the 
author's honour on March 29, 1905 by the Ethological Society, 
London. 

130 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

been many historical episodes and vicissitudes in India ; 
but when it comes to the question of their dates, all students 
of history are at a loss ; the utmost they can do being to 
infer the period from some foreign records, especially from 
those of China. We Japanese have never' had any such 
high flights of imagination as the Hindoos, and therefore 
we have never had any such cosmology as the Hindoos, 
and at the same time we have not been led astray into the 
misty paths of mythological superstition as the Hindoos 
have been. There is more resemblance between the Japan- 
ese and the Chinese than between the Japanese and the 
Hindoos, inasmuch as Chinese ethics have had great influ- 
ence in moulding Japanese character, but here again there 
exists a great difference, in that the Japanese character is 
largely influenced by our own national tradition, which has 
made us the richer by its infusion of chivalric spirit. On 
this point, however, I will not detain you long, as I have 
spoken more fully regarding it elsewhere. 

We are credited with being, or rather are characterized 
as, a nation of imitators. People say we imitated China 
in the days gone by, and that we now imitate Europe in 
our own days. This is certainly true to a great extent ; 
but we are not ashamed of it. The spread of civilization 
is, after all, only an accumulation of imitation. Even in 
the European civilization of the present day, the fact that 
it is but little more than merely an accumulation and 
development of imitation is patent ; for if you take away 
from it the Greek culture, the Roman jurisprudence, and 
the Semitic religious notions, how much will there be left 
behind ? The only difference between our imitation of the 
Chinese and the European civilization, and your imitation 
of that of Greece and Rome is that you have expended 
much time in attaining your object, whereas we Japanese 
did it in a shorter period, because we could not afford, under 
the circumstances in which we found ourselves, to lose any 
time in making our choice. Again, Japan, though an old 
country, is young compared with China and India. When 
Japan awoke in the dawn of civilization she already found 
her neighbour highly advanced in enlightenment. It was 
of no use for Japan to despise those advantages which she 
could get by learning from that neighbour. That is why 
we imitated China to the extent we did. Then again, when 

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THE RISEN SUN 

Japan roused herself from her long seclusion at the moment 
of the advent of Western enterprise in the Far East, we 
saw how high Western civilization in its way stood above 
ours. Well ! you came to the Far East with big ships and 
big guns and bombarded us. Not liking it, we began 
imitating you, so as not to be bombarded again. Indeed, 
it was of no use for us to try and invent anew, by exerting 
our own brains, all that was comprised in the term Western 
civilization. So we began to imitate those things European 
which we perceived to be advantageous in respect of our 
own progress. Make any further improvement in your 
civilization, we will continue for ever imitating you. We 
have a maxim which runs thus : " Take what is long in 
another and amend with it what is short in yourself" ; that 
is to say, imitate anything excellent in other people, and 
thus amend your own shortcomings. We respect that 
maxim both individually and as a nation, and we do not 
think the purport of that maxim is ethically bad ; on the 
contrary, we regard this endeavour after compensation to 
be one of the best traits of a person or a nation. It does 
not mean a mere subservient imitation; and if imitation pro- 
ceeds from lack of discrimination it may easily degenerate 
into fickleness. We always guard ourselves against falling 
to that level, but if great caution be taken, then our adher- 
rence to the maxim above quoted will only result in acts of 
progress, which will stand out in commendable contrast to 
what is called strict conservatism. Conservatism is a very 
good thing in some ways, but when it is carried too far it 
must mean the complete stagnation of a nation. There 
is more than one nation Jwhich stands in that condition, 
the consequence of which must be the decline, if not the 
extinction, of its own organic existence, especially in these 
modern days when international competition is so acute. 

We are often told that it is a pity that Japan should 
have lost her own antique customs and manners and institu- 
tions to such an extent as she has, whereby she is in danger 
of ceasing to be one of the artistic objects of the world. It 
may be true to some extent, but we cannot afford to be 
deterred from promoting the growth of our own country, 
along the only path which will enable it to keep pace with 
the progress of the world, merely for the sake of pleasing 
the globe-trotters. 

132 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

The whole world now admits that the Japanese are good 
fighters, that they make good soldiers and sailors, and are 
brave and dashing in warfare. The question arises whether 
these qualities are inherent in their nature, that is to say, if 
the bravery they exhibit emanates from an inborn dis- 
position inherited from barbaric ancestors, or are due in 
some degree to long training, animated by the innate ethical 
sense of the people. I cannot deny that there is some sort 
of inherent capacity for military achievements in the Japan- 
ese blood ; but I may say the development and the mainte- 
nance of martial ardour and prowess are due more to the 
spiritual training which has been inculcated among the 
people at large on ethical lines for untold centuries. That 
the Japanese are brave, dashing, loyal, and patriotic may 
be granted; but it is altogether wrong to suppose that they, 
as individuals, are by nature bellicose and pugnacious; on 
the contrary, they are normally a peace-loving race. They 
understand what is their duty to their country and to their 
Emperor, and therefore when they are called out in an 
emergency to uphold the interests of their land they become 
fierce fighters, and in that respect they are very different 
from many other peoples. But at the same time they 
have a great inclination towards tenderness and compassion. 
Here is the secret why the Japanese are artistic in their 
tastes and ideas, as the world knows them to be, and at 
the same time are also born fighters. 

Now I will speak about the artistic capacity of the Japan- 
ese. Oriental art differs of course from that of the West 
in many ways, but no one will deny that Japan is an artistic 
nation, and artistic tastes prevail throughout the land 
to a degree far beyond that to which they obtain in other 
countries. Some people may be puzzled in observing the 
co-existence of a profound military spirit and artistic tastes 
side by side ; but if they regard the connexion as I have 
explained it above there will be no surprise felt. 

Some people ask me what is the extent of the artistic 
capacity of the Japanese, and I should say that it is very 
deep and thorough. The Westerners are well acquainted 
with many small objects of Japanese art such as netsuke 
or ivory carvings, and in admitting their artistic excellence, 
such critics are apt to call the Japanese " grand in small 
things." This is true to some extent, but it is not quite fair. 

133 



THE RISEN SUN 

In recent centuries the circumstances of the time compelled 
our artists to devote their energy and skill more to small 
objects, but it would be wholly wrong if one were to suppose 
that the Japanese had no capacity for grand objects. If 
only one goes back to the relics of the art of the sixth, seventh 
or eighth centuries of the Christian Era, to see what capaci- 
ties the Japanese of those days had, one must soon be 
convinced that the Japanese are not merely fabricators in 
ivory or metal imitations of small insects or animals. The 
colossal bronze images of Buddha at Nara and Kamakura 
are among the best specimens of truly grand artistic creations. 
This, I think, is admitted by most experts. But in Japan, 
unlike most nations, artistic tastes are universal, so much so, 
that they are observable even in the smallest cottages of the 
farmer or trader. This also is admitted by keen observers 
of things Japanese. Barbarity and art may be said to be 
irreconcilable. One who has keen artistic tastes cannot be 
a brutal savage ; for the higher the artistic development 
the more refined are the people. Hence we can see here 
again that Japanese bravery is not of the nature of a mere 
continuation of the primitive prowess and stubbornness 
in battle which distinguished our progenitors, but is blended 
with a compassionate and humanizing spirit which har- 
monizes with our taste in art. 

People often speculate upon the extent of the intellectual 
faculty of the Japanese. The development of intellectual 
faculty, it seems to me, depends a good deal upon heredity 
as well as on the surrounding atmosphere. The adoption 
of Western methods on the lines of scientific enlightenment 
does not in Japan date back very far, and therefore it 
would be preposterous were I to attempt to give you any 
definite assurance on this point. I am, however, satisfied 
with all that has been achieved by my compatriots, and I 
at least am not despondent for our future. There are 
many of our students who acquitted themselves creditably 
alongside their European comrades in the Western institu- 
tions for scientific study. There are many professors and 
scientists among us who have made valuable discoveries ; 
there are many engineers who have accomplished vast 
engineering undertakings in Japan just as well as any 
European engineer could have done. Our medical men 
are just as skilful as their brothers in the profession in other 

134 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

countries. Mathematics were the weakest point with the 
Samurai, because trade-Hke occupations were despised 
by the gentry class, and consequently arithmetic and 
mathematics were not much taught. But it does not seem 
to be the failing point in our intellectual faculty now, 
because, since the condition of things changed, and those 
subjects formerly neglected began to be taught in our schools, 
most of the students have proved themselves to be as 
capable of assimilating as much knowledge in those branches 
of study as one could reasonably wish for. 

As to the moral character of the Japanese, the details of 
Oriental ethics may differ in some ways from those of the 
West, but our people have always had strict views on the 
lines of ethics in general. It is therefore a mistake to 
suppose that people in the Far East lacked ethical principles, 
as many people formerly imagined to have been the case. 
The Japanese have as much affection, in other words, 
attachment to their homes and families, as have other 
peoples, and they also have passionate emotions. In these 
matters, however, a great difference between Japan and 
the West presents itself in regard to their outward manifesta- 
tions. In Japan affections and emotions are manifested 
outwardly as little as possible. This arises from the differ- 
ence not only of mere customs and manners, but from 
different interpretations of ethical principles. Thus, for 
instance, in the West members of a family kiss one another 
before other people without any compunction, all the more 
so in the case of parents and children. Here in the West 
the idea of love manifests itself conspicuously, to an extent 
that we Orientals cannot view as decent, and hence deem 
quite unnecessary. As a matter of fact, I cannot see any 
necessity for a man and wife to kiss each other before 
strangers. In Japan one would never see members of a 
family kissing one another, not even parents and children. 
In reading a book, recently published, by Miss McCaul, I 
came across an amusing passage in which the authoress 
speaks of her Japanese friend telling her about the kiss 
imported from abroad, and ever after that calling a kiss in 
the European style " an imported kiss," but the matter is 
perfectly true. A father loves his child, but he is expected 
to be a rigid disciplinarian towards it, and therefore he 
does not kiss his child lest too much caressing should spoil 

135 



THE RISEN SUN 

it. A mother of course is allowed to be more tender to her 
child than a father, but even she does not go so far as to 
kiss it. Brothers and sisters do not kiss, neither do men 
kiss their wives. All this does not signify, however, that 
we, the Japanese, have less affection for one another than 
the Westerners. 

There are many things in customs and manners which 
differ from one another in different countries ; it is therefore 
necessary not to form hasty conclusions when one may be 
called upon to pass judgment on other people upon points 
affecting national characteristics, or on manners and customs 
in general. To give a few instances : in the East we open 
our books from right to left, whilst you do it from left to 
right, and if we happen to do this in the presence of a Wester- 
ner, one exclaims " You open from the wrong end," but I 
do not see any right or wrong in the matter ; it is only a 
difference of method. If we speak about eating food with 
chopsticks, the Westerners say " How funny," but we do 
not see anything funny in it. As a matter of fact, using 
new chopsticks at every meal, or keeping one fixed pair of 
chopsticks for each particular member of a family, as is 
the Japanese way, seems to be far cleaner than that knives, 
forks, and spoons be used indiscriminately by all in the 
household, because, however they may be cleaned and wiped, 
the fact remains that the forks or spoons which are put 
into one's mouth are liable to be used by others in the same 
way. At restaurants and hotels we often notice lazy waiters 
bringing to us forks and spoons that have just been used 
by other persons, merely wiped with a cloth ; and yet those 
who are accustomed to their own modes of using knives and 
forks are prone to think that people who use chopsticks are 
eating their meals in a primitive fashion. 

I will give you another instance. I once quite inadver- 
tently offended a young lady in an English family where I 
was staying. She admired an article which I had, so I 
said " I have no more use for it, so I will give it to you." 
She said at once, " If you value it and can spare it for me, 
I will of course accept with pleasure, but not a thing which 
you have no more use f or . " I was doubtless wrong according 
to all the Western modes of giving and taking. Here you 
praise up the thing you are giving, and so show the recipient 
that you sacrifice it for friendship's sake ; but our idea when 

136 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

we say we have no more use for a thing, is to save the friend 
to whom we give it from experiencing a sense of being 
under an obhgation to us, the giver. Here again the matter 
is only one of difference in the mode of manifesting our 
thoughts ; but because one is not conversant with that 
different custom, it is hkely to be taken as an offence. How 
much mischief is done and how much offence is given by 
not understanding another's ways, not merely in the case 
of individuals, but in the case of nations ! 

Some say that the Japanese are a laughing nation, that 
they smile even when they visit a mourner. I say the 
Japanese know sorrows as much as any other nation : the 
only difference is that their training and tradition teach 
them to restrain unnecessary manifestations of sorrow. 
There is a saying, " He does not show either joy or anger in 
his face." This peculiarity has always been regarded as a 
sure sign of a great character, and the same may be said to 
be the case with every individual, more or less. Great 
demonstration by shouts or clapping of hands is not indige- 
nous to the Japanese, it is an " imported " method. Hence 
foreign onlookers may often observe the majority in a crowd 
keeping silence, and that only some portion of those assem- 
bled are shouting or throwing up hats, or clapping hands, 
as the case may be ; but this does not signify that only 
those who are imitating the more demonstrative European 
manner are satisfied with the occasion, and that the others 
are not, because in this case we may see the native methods 
and foreign fashions being practised side by side. Such 
traditions as that above referred to will also account for 
the somewhat stern and apparently unsociable composure 
of our Generals and Admirals, for they are mostly men 
who grew up amidst the reserved atmosphere of the old 
Samurai class. The teaching of the Bushi, that is the 
Samurai, was especially rigid in inculcating this kind of 
discipline, and it is an utter mistake to suppose that such 
men are heartless. I may tell you a tale about General 
Nogi, the captor of Port Arthur. Every one knows that he 
is a stoical and stern warrior, but I have read in the vernacu- 
lar press that once in the quietude of his camp, while sitting 
alone, it was observed that he was leaning on his chair with 
his head in his hands and tears wetting his cheeks. His 
heart was apparently moved by the noble sacrifice and 

137 



THE RISEN SUN 

devotion of so many of those flowers of Japan's youth who 
were under his command, including his own sons. 

The Japanese, as a rule, are more disposed to be reticent 
than to push forward. They like cleanliness in everything ; 
they prefer simplicity to gorgeousness. Here I have to 
speak of two different currents of thought and taste, which 
exist in Japan side by side, almost antagonistic to each 
other, so that many outsiders are often puzzled ; and yet 
both of them get on well with each other without much 
concern to the practical working of the community. The 
best example of this may be illustrated by different kinds 
of architecture. You will observe on one side some grand 
and imposing temples belonging to Buddhism, and on the 
other you may observe very simple and unpretentious and 
small temples belonging to Shintoism, cleanliness and 
simplicity being almost the sole objects of the latter. Here 
we observe that the origin of both of them clearly differs, 
and the influence of these two origins may be observed in 
almost all things, but the latter influence is more prominent. 
This trait is still more observable in art. Nay more ! as a 
matter of fact, cleanliness and simplicity, or in other words 
purity and sobriety, may be said to be the very foundation 
of the Japanese character in everything, both mentally and 
materially. Many of you, no doubt, have seen fine lacquer 
work, and will have observed that the inside of a box of 
that kind of work is often more finely and more costly 
ornamented than the outside, which proves that even in 
intrinsically valuable works of art, showiness is considered 
more fitting to be concealed. I may give another example. 
If you should be invited by a rich nobleman to his mansion 
you will see that the front rooms and halls are compara- 
tively grand, but you may also, if you are a privileged 
guest, be led to a set of small rooms which are used for the 
tea ceremony. Here you will observe everything very 
simple, almost primitive, and apparently of very cheap 
structure. You will notice that the roof is only thatched, 
that the pillars are made of unfinished trunks of trees ; you 
will see balconies constructed of rough bamboos, but you 
will be surprised when I tell you that this kind of construc- 
tion often costs many times more than bricks or iron build- 
ings. It is doubtless true that the original idea of this 
kind of structure was that it should be simple and cheap 

138 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

almost like a sort of primitive building, but when we consider 
how much more difficult it is for the artisans to join together 
neatly rough natural trunks than it would be to join ordinary 
timbers of uniform sizes, or how much more costly it is to 
get rare trees of natural growth than to obtain ordinary 
hewn timbers, which are only fit to be varnished, we can 
understand how the cost mounts up. In this case, therefore, 
simplicity may not be simplicity in reality, but only studied 
simplicity. So people who are unaccustomed to see these 
kinds of things may think it a rather foolish task, and yet 
the Japanese do not mind being considered fools in under- 
taking it. 

These notions also prevail in other kinds of social matters. 
Take for instance the case of native costumes ; it is considered 
rather good taste to have more costly cloth underneath 
than the actual outside cloth, because it means an evasion 
of outside show and display. Then again women, and 
indeed men too, prefer quiet colours and patterns for their 
dresses : they do not care for gorgeous and showy costumes, 
though in the case of young girls some allowance may be 
made. This holds good also in manners. As I said 
above, the Japanese are more reticent than pushing, this 
is more especially the case with ladies. I notice in the 
West that when in a drawing-room one is asked to sing or play, 
he or she is readily induced to do so, the idea no doubt being 
to give pleasure to others in spite of his or her own ineffi- 
ciency in the matter. But in Japan the case is different ; 
there one would rather ask to be excused on the plea of 
" I cannot," even though in reality he or she " can." Per- 
haps this may be carried too far with the Japanese, but so 
it is with the generality of them, and therefore in Japanese 
society you are likely to hear more often " No " than " Yes." 

I will give you yet another illustration. I have in Japan 
a friend, Mr. Kano by name. He is a small and slender 
person. Once on board a mail steamer, as Kano was on his way 
to Europe there was a big and robust Russian. That Russian, 
thinking very little of my friend, gave himself airs and tried 
to pick a quarrel with him. Kano kept himself quite calm, 
exercising great patience and endurance. At last, however, 
he accepted the challenge of the Russian and proceeded to fight 
it out. The whole ship was surprised at the idea of a little 
Jap going to fight the big Russian ! Within a minute, 

139 



THE RISEN SUN 

however, after the combat had commenced the Russian had 
to ask for mercy. The Russian did not know that Kano 
was a scholar and at the same time a great master of the 
Jujitsu. A similar story is told about the late Captain 
Takasaki, son of Baron Takasaki, who was killed during 
last year in a battle of the present war. In a naval college 
in America, where he was a cadet, there was a big American 
who was very offensive and often provoked and insulted 
Takasaki. The latter for a long time patiently endured 
the affront, but when it became unendurable he challenged 
the big American and forced him by a single combat to 
ask his pardon. There was no difficulty for Takasaki in 
the matter, as he was a good student of the Jujitsu, being 
one of the best disciples of Kano, but the American boy 
did not know it ! The secret of the teaching of the Jujitsu 
lies in the fact that every pupil is enjoined to use the art 
only in extreme cases when its use is inevitable. 

Self-restraint and modesty manifest themselves in every 
phase of social life. In the West it is not rare for a mother 
to praise her daughter before others, of for a man or wife to 
do the same for his or her life-partner. It is, no doubt, an 
outcome of the extraordinary growth of individualism, but 
the matter is looked upon from a different point of view 
in Japan. There, we regard our near relatives as though 
they were a part of ourselves when we speak of them with 
other people ; hence foreigners would be surprised when they 
hear that we have such expressions as " My stupid father," 
" My rustic wife," or " My foolish son," but with us they 
sound no more strange than when here one calls oneself 
" Your humble servant." 

This leads me to say something about our family system. 
With us the sense of duty for mutual assistance by near 
relatives is felt more keenly than it is in the West. Of 
course our old family system had some shortcomings, but 
it had the advantage of promoting good feelings between 
different members of a family or near relatives. The 
growth of individualism, of course, has its advantage ; its 
notions have been introduced into Japan of late to a con- 
siderable extent, and have been recognized by law. There 
is, however, a fear of some shocks being inflicted by it on 
the good parts of our family system. It seems desirable to 
take some care in the matter. However it may be, I may 

140 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

say that in former days this sense of mutual assistance, 
coupled with the economic condition of the people and the 
state of the administrations of the community, went a long 
way in promoting the comfort and happiness of the lower 
classes. Outsiders sometimes say Japan is so very poor 
in the way of public charities, such as the establishment of 
poor-houses, hospitals, etc., but, as a matter of fact, there 
was formerly scarcely any need of that kind ; in recent years 
the condition of things has changed and those institutions also 
came into existence, and I fear that the more time goes on 
the more they will become necessary. We admit the 
benefits of the introduction of European civilization ; we 
admit the necessity of international trades ; but in one 
respect, that is to say, the separation of rich and poor, 
we have to recognize that the old distinction is becoming 
more keen on account of these very facts, and therefore 
it behoves us to look after the general condition of the 
people, always kindly, and to promote the charitable 
instincts of the public at large ; but from what we have 
noticed we need not fear any lack of a philanthropical 
disposition in our nature. We had that instinct in former 
days, only in a different manner. The only necessity we 
now have is to adapt it to modern requirements, and our 
people have already shown their capability in many ways. 
Those who have seen our organization of the Red Cross 
Society would not be inclined to conclude that the Japanese 
are incapable of establishing that kind of institution. 

Some people over-praise things Japanese, and even say 
that Japanese babies do not cry. Our babies cry just as 
much as your babies ; as a matter of fact, in the case of very 
young babies, crying is to some extent needful for the 
development of their lungs ; but I daresay that strict and 
rigid though our parents are, they cannot in a general 
sense be accused of being cruel to their children. There 
is no necessity for creating a society for the prevention of 
cruelty to children in Japan. Nay, the Japanese cannot be 
accused of being cruel even to the lower animals, for not 
to kill living things is one of the ten commandments of 
Buddhism. That notion was inculcated among the people 
at large in times gone by, but, apart from this religious 
doctrine, the nation seems to have become imbued with that 
idea almost unconsciously. 

141 



THE RISEN SUN 

The introduction of cigars and cigarettes has caused 
some difference in the smoking habits of the Japanese 
tending towards an augmentation of tobacco consumption. 
The import of all sorts of Western spirits, formerly unknown, 
also has caused some slight increase of the drinking habit. 
But, for all that, the Japanese as a race are neither a drink- 
ing nor a very great smoking nation. You would scarcely 
ever meet with a drunkard in the street. The introduction 
of Western civilization brings with it its disadvantages as 
well as its advantages ; but this we must put up with, for 
we cannot expect harmless soda-water to travel alone without 
its congenial friend — ^whisky ! 

I have already spoken about the introduction of the 
notions of individualism derived from the West, and this 
leads me to speak about the influence of Western civilization 
upon our character and characteristics. It is no doubt 
exercising a great influence and producing a modification, 
and I may say that scientific modes of Western thought 
and reasoning have already made a marked impression 
on our brain as a nation, but this change is taking place 
even with regard to customs and manners. Many 
houses are built after the European style, European clothes 
are worn by men and women, and to a great extent the 
mode of living is also undergoing some changes. It is all 
very well for the Westerners to say what a pity it is that our 
ladies have cast away their costume. As a matter of fact, 
ladies do not wear European clothes as much as men do ; 
but speaking in a general way, the introduction of European 
customs and manners is also unavoidably an outcome of 
the changes of the time. We recognize many good points 
in European customs and manners, including the mode of 
living ; but apart from that, there are reasons why we should 
not stick to our old modes entirely. If we were still to 
fight with swords and spears you would consider us savages 
and barbarians, but when we kill hundreds and thousands 
of men by one blow of a bombshell, then you tell us we are 
civilized. Why should we stick to our old modes even if 
they were effective and useful ? This holds good with every- 
thing. If we stick to old modes we remain for ever in the 
position of some inferior animal in the eyes of the Westerners. 
You may think that I go too far in saying such things, but 
you cannot deny that there is some foundation for my 

142 



THE JAPANESE CHARACTER 

assertion. Of course I do not say that everything in West- 
ern customs and manners is excellent. Let us just take 
the example of leather boots. Is it not a dirty thing to come 
into a drawing-room or sitting-room with dirty boots ? 
There is no use for you to conceal from me that the majority 
of you are suffering from the mere use of boots, I mean 
most of you, by giving you corns and other pains. The 
difference between the European modes of leather boots and 
the squeezing of the Chinese ladies' feet appears only to be 
a matter of degree, and yet if I came for instance to this 
room in Japanese fashion I would simply become an object 
of ridicule, if not of offence. 

Let us hope that some happy medium may be discovered 
some day or other for the benefit of the people concerned ; 
and, moreover, as things stand at present we, the Japanese, 
incur great economical losses in everything. We have to 
furnish a room to receive foreigners, and another for our 
compatriots ; we have to carry about, when travelling, a 
pair of European boots and a pair of Japanese clogs. Our 
women have to buy ornamental hairpins as well as European 
brooches ; in fact, we have to possess everything in double 
sets — foreign and native. I may also add that some differ- 
ences, though they are not great, in the customs and manners 
of the Western nations give us trouble very often. If I 
went to an English wedding in Tokio in my evening dress 
I should be laughed at ; were I to go to a French or German 
wedding in the same place without putting on evening dress, 
they would say that I was rude. If I meet French and 
English ladies at a party I shall have to take off my gloves 
hastily when I shake hands with the English lady, and I 
shall have to put them on again the next moment when I 
shake hands with the French lady ; and if I did vice versa 
I would offend both of them. 



143 



CHAPTER V 

THE MAKING OF A SOLDIER IN JAPAN ^ 

THE questions that are frequently asked me as to the 
constitution and working of the army of Japan may 
be said to revolve in two very small orbits round two main 
objects of curiosity. How does Japan get her men ? How 
does she train her officers ? And both questions are three 
parts answered in a very few words : " Universal Service,'* 
and a ready acceptance of Napoleon's maxim that in war 
"the moral is to the physical as three to one." 

I shall endeavour, however, to the best of my ability to 
answer both questions in a little further detail by explain- 
ing, in the first place, how it is that we have found universal 
service so much better suited to our requirements than any 
other system that we could adopt or desire ; and, secondly, 
how the Government of Japan has aimed in the course of 
studies prescribed for those seeking commissions in our 
army to postpone the acquirement of technical training, 
invaluable and indispensable though that is fully recognized 
to be, to the inculcation of loyalty and the soldierly spirit. 

First, then, with respect to Universal Service, upon which 
subject my views may be regarded as accepted, by common 
consent, by all the citizens of the Japanese Empire, high 
and low. 

I. We have found that system superior to our old system, 
wherein fighting men formed a distinct class and made 
military duties a sort of profession in their families. At 
first some people laboured under an apprehension that the 
troops consisting of men recruited by the universal service 

1 A letter addressed to Lord Newton and printed in The National 
Service Journal, November, 1904, and a letter addressed to Dr. 
Maguire, Military expert, and printed in the Westminster Gazette, 
October, 1904, blended together. 

144 



THE MAKING OF A JAPANESE SOLDIER 

system, who would naturally be taken from all classes, 
might not be so efficient as those consisting of men who 
belonged to the class just mentioned, and who, therefore, 
had traditional and natural proclivities for military duties. 
This apprehension, however, was altogether dispelled by 
the practical experience gained during the civil war of 1877. 
This was a campaign in which the Imperial Government 
troops, organized not long before on purely a universal 
conscription basis, contended against the regularly trained 
samurai of Satsuma, the most warlike of all the ancient 
military clans of Japan. The leader of the insurrection 
was Saigo Takamori, who as an individual was perhaps 
the most popular person in the land, on account of the great 
services which he had previously rendered the Imperial 
cause. It was a conflict in which I may be permitted to 
mention that I had the honour of serving my country, 
though not, strictly speaking, in a military capacity. I 
was an officer on the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief, my 
official designation being that of a Secretary to the War 
Department. We then found that men under the com- 
pulsory service system were capable of being made far more 
efficient as a compact body than were the samurai under the 
older system, wherein the effects of discipline were some- 
what subservient to individual prowess. Besides, the old 
system was not equal to the demands of modern military 
organisation for many other reasons. 

2. We had also some experience (during the latter days 
of the Tokugawa regime) of the actual working of the 
voluntary system. But we have found the obligatory 
system superior to it, on points wherein uniformity is in 
many respects to be desired above all other considerations. 

3. Compulsory service puts the country to less expense. 
It would be almost impossible to maintain the number of 
soldiers on active service and in the reserve with the money 
we now spend were it not on account of this system. 

4. The system of universal service tends to make every 
citizen of the land feel his responsibility to the State more 
keenly — in other words, makes him more loyal and patriotic. 
This sentiment goes down to the lowest grade, and animates 
not only the men, but also the women ; for the latter also 
come to share it with the men who are thus inspired. 

5. The nation becomes more compact by reason of the 

145 l- 



THE RISEN SUN 

recruits coming into contact with men hailing from all 
parts of the country, and with men of all sorts, belonging 
to different social grades or professions in life, and through 
realizing that the great common cause of their mission or 
duty is above the particular interests of localities or classes. 

6. The system does good in regard to physical develop- 
ment and personal discipline, which latter enables a man 
to be more punctual and regular in his habits, and more 
enduring of hardships than he would otherwise be. 

7. Universal service gives to the people at large, as well 
as the recruits themselves, little chance of looking down upon 
military occupation as an unelevated profession, which is a 
great thing for keeping up the general tone of the Army. 

8. The universal service system dispenses with the 
necessity of employing all sorts of devices to induce men 
to enlist under the national flag for military service. It also 
enables the country to obtain, on the whole, more desirable 
recruits, from its very nature. 

9. Men under the system of personal military service seem 
to be more animated with a sense of the duties devolving 
upon each individual than are those under the voluntary 
system, because the idea of being *' on hire " never enters 
into their minds. 

10. The troops organized under this system seem to be 
more amenable to miUtary discipline than those under 
voluntary systems, inasmuch as the discipline could not be, 
it was found, so strictly enforced upon the latter as the 
former. This has been demonstrated unmistakably upon a 
recent occasion in China (during the occupation), when both 
kinds of troops were stationed in the same locality. 

11. The system helps the spread of intelligence among 
the people at large. 

12. The part of our military instruction which we call 
" spiritual education," to which the greatest attention is 
paid, and which really is an elevated ethical teaching, imbues 
the " men " with fine moral sentiments, especially on the 
lines of patriotism and loyalty, and these sentiments are 
not only of great use to them while in actual service, but 
also after they have left the ranks. This branch of military 
instruction does not seem to exist in other countries in the 
same way as it does in Japan, but, with us, it cannot fail 
to be beneficial to the country, for these sentiments are 

I, 



THE MAKING OF A JAPANESE SOLDIER 



a .^^^ '> 



carried back to every corner of the land by the " men 
after a few years' active service. 

13. Universal service makes the spread of the patriotic 
as well as the martial spirit more feasible in all the schools, 
because that system makes every boy expectant of becoming 
a soldier at some time or other. 

14. At one time there was some fear that men returning 
from barracks to their rustic or urban homes might make 
themselves arrogant and detestable among their neighbours, 
and would be more or less unfitted to revert to their original 
occupations. But this fear proved to be wholly groundless, 
the more so as years went on, for a very good reason, namely, 
that the number of men similiarly placed to themselves 
increased with time, and no one man in particular could 
venture to rank himself as the only hero. 

15. We do not notice that there is any material detriment 
in regard to the general economic condition of the country 
— at all events, in any appreciable degree — arising from 
universal obligatory service, though we must admit that the 
labour performed by the men during service is unproduc- 
tive in character from its very nature. This drawback 
appears to be fully recompensed by subsequent advantages. 

Such are, then, the chief advantages of the compulsory 
service system which we have adopted in Japan, and we 
have never had the least cause for regretting it. At first we 
experienced some difficulty in adopting it, of course, because 
its introduction was effected at the time when the old 
military system retained in great measure its vigour, though 
the feudal regime had already ceased to exist as a political 
system. There was also a popular rising of farmers on 
rather a large scale, which came about in the following 
way : The phrase " blood tax " was used — perhaps inad- 
vertently — in the ordinance which first announced the 
adoption of the system. This phrase was seized upon by a 
man who was not satisfied with the various changes which 
were then being made, and he represented to illiterate farmers 
the meaning of the term " blood tax " as literally implying 
the squeezing out of one's blood. The incident was alto- 
gether a ridiculous one, and only proved how easily people 
are to be led astray by agitators ; but the fact remains that 
we actually experienced some trouble on this account. 
Such notions, however, were soon dissipated, and the nation 

147 



THE RISEN SUN 

is now heart and soul in favour of conscription ; it is re- 
garded as the one essential factor in the country's defensive 
system. If the time should ever arrive when all nations 
may dispense with armaments in toto, so much the better, 
of course ; but until that blissful day shall dawn, Japan 
must stick to the system of universal military service which 
she has already adopted. 

And now with regard to the second point in answer to 
the question, How does Japan train her officers ? 

The faculty which it is considered as above all things 
most important for officers — as, indeed, for all soldiers — • 
to be equipped with is " soldierly spirit," and therefore the 
chief object of their education is expected to be the nurtur- 
ing of this spirit among them. Then, too, each officer is 
regarded in the sphere of his competency as a commander 
as well as an instructor, and therefore he is expected to be 
equipped with both " knowledge " and " capacity." 



EDUCATION 

I Education is the means for advancement of knowledge 
and capacity. The education of officers, however, is to be 
gradually advanced according to the position occupied by 
them, so that the chief under whom an officer works has to 
give him from time to time an " independent mission " 
based on the different stages of his career, thereby com- 
pleting his training step by step. The chief and senior 
officers of each group are expected to be responsible for 
the junior officers, and therefore they are expected to be 
exemplary in their conduct themselves. All officers are 
also expected to be diligent in their endeavour for the 
improvement of their own knowledge and capacity. It 
may here be mentioned, once for all, that much stress is 
always put upon the so-called " independent missions " 
(or duties), as being the best and quickest means of cul- 
tivating an officer's capacity for independent actions, and of 
sapping the pernicious idea that he is to remain a mere 
dependent upon some one else's initiative. 

The main responsibility for the education of officers is 
put upon the shoulders of the chief of the'corps of officers, and 
the course of_the_education is broadly divided into two 

148 



THE MAKING OF A "JAPANESE SOLDIER ] 

branches : (i) Technical Training, which consists oi 
regimental duties, including those of field manoeuvres ; 
(2) Scientific Training, which consists of {a) winter works, 
(b) discourses ; (c) war games, (d) topographical surveys, 
(e) discourses on the spot, (/) practice in the art of war by 
the aid of maps. 



SOLDIERLY SPIRIT 

Soldierly spirit is explained in the instructions as con- 
sisting of (i) loyalty and sincerity, (2) bravery and courage, 
(3) trustworthiness and truthfulness, (4) respect for duties, 
(5) exercise of frugality, (6) scrupulous observance of courtesy, 
and (7) mindfulness of military discipline. With these, 
too, is joined a due sense of the responsibility devolving 
upon every individual, as well as the cultivation of pluck 
in " initiative." A careful consideration of these points 
is to be kept in view in all military education. 



TECHNICAL TRAINING 

When an officer is newly commissioned he is for the first 
year given a number of new recruits whom he has to train ; 
he himself at the same time is expected by so doing to acquire 
experience in the regimental duties under the superintend- 
ence of the senior officers, especially the commanding officer 
of the company to which he belongs. As a matter of fact, 
the responsibility for training new officers is put upon the 
shoulders of the chief of each company. Thus the new 
officer is to do his work under an " independent mission," 
as the case may be ; but his every act is subject to the 
criticism and correction of the commanding officer of the 
company, whilst the latter is expected, besides such 
crticism and correction, to give further and additional 
useful suggestions to his newly commissioned pupil. The 
senior officers submit in turn to the superintendence of 
their superior according to their rank, but of course in a 
degree less as their position advances. 

As to field manoeuvres, the commanding officer of a 
battalion is to order the lieutenants and sub-lieutenants of 

149 



THE RISEN SUN . 

his battalion, prior to the last ten days of September in 
every year, to execute some field manoeuvres with a group 
of men under his independent command. The commanding 
officer of a regiment is to give orders to the captains of his 
regiment in a similar way. The time, the number of men, 
and other details befitting particular cases are prescribed 
in detail. With regard to the troops which, from the 
nature of their composition, cannot practise the field man- 
oeuvres with opposing forces, they are to be ordered to 
practise with " independent missions " some of the duties 
appertaining to their specialities. The manoeuvres and 
special practices thus executed are to be reported within 
forty-eight hours by the officers who have charge of them 
to the commanding officer of the corps of officers (through 
the commanding officer of the battalion in case of infantry 
or artillery), with sketches. The meritorious among these 
reports are forwarded to the commanding officer of the 
division (in case of infantry to the chief of the brigade). 
The officer through whom the reports are sent will, when 
forwarding them to his superior, in every case add his own 
observations on a part or the whole of each report. 

The very best of these reports are submitted to the per- 
sonal perusal of the Emperor. These reports, however, are 
not to be confused with the general reports which are 
made by the responsible chiefs of the divisions or battalions 
on these affairs on each occasion. 



SCIENTIFIC TRAINING — {a) WINTER WORKS 

Every captain, lieutenant, and sub-lieutenant of each 
corps of officers has during the winter season of every year 
to draft an answer to a question on some subject on either 
military science or practical military duties. The subject 
is to be selected and given by the chief of the corps. One 
for captains, one for lieutenants, and one for sub-lieutenants 
in case of infantry and artillery ; the subject of lieutenants 
and sub-lieutenants is given by the chief of the battalion 
annually on December i, and the answers must be finished 
and sent in by March i of the next year. In reporting these 
answers the procedure is the same as in the case of reports 
of manoeuvres. 

150 



THE MAKING OF A JAPANESE SOLDIER 

(b) DISCOURSES 

Discourses are to be given from time to time in each 
corps of officers by majors, captains, and senior lieutenants 
on the history of some war, or on some subject of which 
the lecturer has made a special study, or on his experience 
when sent on duty or for study, say, to a military school, 
or to some foreign country, or any such occurrences as these 
in connexion with himself. The subject of the lecture is 
either to be set previously by the chief of the corps or to 
be approved by the latter on the application of the lecturer. 

(c) WAR GAMES 

War games are to be practised frequently by each corps 
of officers, irrespective of seasons. 

(d) TOPOGRAPHICAL SURVEYS 

Topographical surveys are frequently to be executed by 
captains, lieutenants, and sub-lieutenants, whenever it is 
practicable in the neighbourhood of each garrison, and under 
the direction of the chief of the corps. 

(e) DISCOURSES ON THE SPOT 

The chief of every corps of officers is personally to lead 
out one or other portion, in turn, of the officers under his 
command to the field, and there appropriate discourses 
are to be given under his own supervision. 

(/) PRACTICE OF THE ART OF WAR ON MAPS 

The officers of each corps of officers are to hold meetings 
in their spare hours, under the supervision of the chief of 
the corps, and practise the art of war by theaid of suitable 
charts and plans. 

FURTHER REMARKS 

It may not be quite unfitting here to develop my state- 
ment a little further. I have spoken of the broad division 
of military education into two branches — Technical and 

151 



THE RISEN SUN 

Scientific. The term " scientific " must not be taken in 
its stricter sense, as appertaining to pure science. The 
original term in the text has the wide significance of " learn- 
ing " and " knowledge," and includes, as I have shown, 
matters which relate even to the morality of the troops. 
That branch of education when spoken of independently 
is called "spiritual education." Perhaps "mental" or 
ethical education " is easier to understand, but we call it 
" spiritual," because that branch of our education is regarded 
as being expressly devoted to the nourishment of the best 
and highest spirits among all ranks, which at the same time 
is ethical, and it lays greater stress on the mental operations 
than on mere conventionalities. This part of education 
is regarded in our army as being of superlative importance, 
and the greatest possible attention is paid thereto. In 
this part of education the Imperial rescript for soldiers 
(1882), together with the Imperial educational rescript of 
1890, plays the most essential part. In this branch of 
education, moreover, the duty which one owes to the Em- 
peror and to the country is inculcated as highest of all, and 
that duty is placed above any other consideration. In it 
the grand conception of loyalty is made to supersede all 
other thoughts — of home, of parents, of wife, of children, 
or of personal aims and interests. As to the education of 
the rank and file, some matters may be with discretion 
entrusted to a non-commissioned officer, but the " spiritual 
education " must be always undertaken by the officers 
themselves. There are no religious chaplains in our army. 
I may also mention that with us loyalty and patriotism 
exactly coincide with each other, and the terms are synony- 
mous, as it were, in their practical application. 

" STAFF RIDES AND LARGER MANCEUVRES 

I may also add that there are several Staff rides to be 
practised each at least once a year. Annual autumn field 
manoeuvres are also carried out on a comparatively large 
scale within each division, beginning with the manoeuvres 
of the combined detachments ; next those of the brigades, 
and finally ending with those of the division ; the first 
two with opposing forces, and the last with imaginary forces 
of enemy on the opposing side. The peculiarity of these 

152 



(C 



THE MAKING OF A JAPANESE SOLDIER 

manoeuvres is that at a certain stage every officer is given 
a command one rank higher than that he is properly en- 
titled to. Again, two or three divisions perform combined 
manoeuvres every year, and at an interval of a certain 
number of years there are grand combined manoeuvres of 
the Army and Navy. 

INSPECTIONS 

I need hardly explain that there are several kinds of 
inspections," both ordinary and extraordinary, annually 
performed at the proper season, and regulated by the 
ordinances relating to the subject. Some of the inspections 
are undertaken by special inspectors commissioned for the 
occasion by the Emperor, and others by the chief of a 
division or a brigade ex-officio. 



EDUCATION PREPARATORY TO RECEIPT OF COMMISSIONS 

So far I have described what an officer has to do after he 
has received a commission, but my statements do not seem 
to be complete unless a brief allusion be made to the pre- 
paratory stage of his education prior to being commissioned 
— i.e., during the stage of his cadetship. 

Cadets are divided into two classes : (i) Candidates for 
officers ; (2) quasi-officers. 

There are several schools, both Government and private, 
in which boys are taught with the special object of becoming 
cadets. But it is not a necessary condition, in offering 
himself for cadetship, that one should have been educated 
in one of these schools, provided he is equipped with certain 
educational qualifications. All the cadets are at first 
attached to one or other regiment for a certain period, and 
have to undergo their training by going the ordinary round 
of the duties both of the ordinary " men " and non-commis- 
sioned officers ; subject, however, to some discrimination 
which is made by the responsible officers between those 
cadets who have already received a certain amount of military 
education in the schools above-mentioned and those who 
have not. During this period all cadets are treated, so far 
as their regular duties are concerned, exactly like the ordin- 
ary rank and file or non-commissioned officers, as the case 

153 



THE RISEN SUN 

may be, except that they are associated with the officers 
in other respects, and that special and extra attention is 
bestowed upon them, calculated to be beneficial to them in 
their military career. 

After this stage the cadets are sent to the " officers' school." 
There they are educated in such a way as to make them 
proficient in everything that appertains to their ultimate 
rank as commissioned officers. I will not detail the cur- 
riculum of the schools above-mentioned. Suffice it to say, 
that the courses prescribed are much on the same lines as 
those of the education of the officers, with a difference, of 
course, in degree. They are given both the technical train- 
ing and the scientific one, including the " spiritual " one, 
on which so great stress is laid in all the stages of military 
education. 

The cadets are sent back, after having completed the 
necessary course in the " officers' school," to their regiments, 
and they have to gain experience as " quasi-officers " in 
the duties of officers for at least six months before they are 
commissioned. 

THE ARMY UNIVERSITY 

There is a military academy which is called " the Army 
University." Its chief aim is to obtain good staff officers, 
and therefore promising young officers are drawn from 
different divisions and educated at this institution. The 
principal courses of study in this academy are, of course, 
directed to the acquisition of the theory of tactics, strategy, 
and cognate subjects connected with the higher branches 
of military education. 



154 



CHAPTER VI 

woman's education ^ 

THE position of woman in Japan has always been differ- 
ent, to a significant extent, from that of the same sex 
in other Asiatic countries. Looking back to the history of 
Japan over thousands of years, we see many renowned 
figures of the fair sex. There have been several Empresses, 
some brave, intelligent, and highly cultured. There have 
been several heroines fighting side by side with our brave 
warriors. There have been numerous poetesses, novelists, 
artists. 

In fact, in the ninth century, when the study of Chinese 
was in vogue, the culture of our native light literature was 
mainly in the hands of the other sex. It was then that we 
had Murasaki Shikibu, the authoress of the great Genji- 
Monogatari ; Seishonagon, the authoress of the Makura- 
nO'Soshi ; and many others. In the latter part of the 
Tokugawa regime there were many women well known 
for their Chinese culture, such as Kamei Shokin, Hara 
Saihin, Yema Saiko, Cho-Koran. This period also produced 
several lady poets, as Rengetsu, Chiyo, Botoni, and others. 
Examples of patriotic women also abound preceding the 
restoration of the Imperial regime. 

Women have always enjoyed a large social freedom, 
though not to the same degree as in modern Western nations ; 
and thus we have produced from time to time some con- 
spicuous female figures in history. Even in our own days 
such examples are not wanting. We see ladies engaged in 
educational institutions in China and Siam ; one of them 
is even gone to Mongoria, where she is engaged by a native 
chief as instructress in his household. 

Women's education, however, has always been a problem. 

^ From Japan by the Japanese, 
155 



THE RISEN SUN 

From the very nature of the case, it is very difficult to 
arrive at a satisfactory solution. Still, we realize the im- 
portance of it as much as do Europeans. Especially have 
we done so from the time of the inauguration of the new 
regime. Here I might cite an instance, which is not without 
interest. In 1871 a number of young girls were sent to 
America for their education, one, now the wife of Admiral 
Uriu, whose name is well known in connexion with the 
present war ; another is the Marchioness Oyama, wife of 
Marshal Marquis Oyama, head of the General Staff of Japan. 

I am far from speaking confidently of the problem as 
solved in Japan. I will but give a brief description of its 
present condition, basing my materials mainly on different 
official reports. 

In Japan the system of elementary education is most exten- 
sively carried out. There is no village where a school is not 
provided at the public expense. Elementary education is 
compulsory, every child having to be educated, though some 
relaxation is made under exceptional circumstances. Elemen- 
tary schools are divided into two grades : ordinary elemen- 
tary and higher elementary schools. Ordinary elementary are 
for children of the age of six and upwards, for four years, 
and that of higher elementary education from the age of 
nine. In the case of the latter the period of their school 
education is not uniform, because some may join higher 
schools after certain years, and some may leave school in 
the middle of the course. But in case of children who go 
through the ordinary course the period is four years. 

In these preliminary schools boys and girls are taken in 
without any distinction, though, for the convenience of 
teaching, the classes are generally formed separately. Let 
me now proceed with statistics, taken from the annual 
reports of the Minister of Education for 1901-02. It relates 
to Japan proper, including the islands of Yezo and Liuchiu, 
but not Formosa. 

The number of children in that school year was : Boys, 
3,876,495 ; girls, 3.590,391 ; tc»tal, 7,466,886. 

Of these, children attending the ordinary elementary 
schools were : Boys, 1,714,509 ; girls, 1,632,018 ; total, 

3,346,527. 

Those who completed the ordinary elementary course 

were : Boys, 1,462,977 ; girls, 911,422 ; total, 2,374,399. 

156 



WOMAN'S EDUCATION 

The total number of children of school age receiving the 
prescribed course of education was therefore : Boys, 
3,177,486; girls, 2,543,440; total, 5,720,926. 

The total number of pupils in higher elementary schools 
was as follows : — 

Those belonging to public schools (including those attached 
to normal schools) : Boys, 705,238 ; girls, 230,955 ; total 

936,193. 

Those belonging to private schools : Boys, 4,268 ; girls, 
3>437 5 total, 7,705. Thus, the total number of pupils 
in the higher course were : Boys, 709,506 ; girls, 234,392 ; 
total, 943,898. 

The percentage of boys receiving instruction for 1901-02 
was 9378 of the whole eligible school population. The 
percentages of girls was 81 '80. 

I may here also mention that in populous towns there 
are many kindergartens established, and their benefit is 
so universally admitted that there is a great tendency to 
increase their number. In these, children, both boys 
and girls, aged from three years up to the age of admission 
to ordinary elementary schools are taken. The subjects of 
training are games, singing, conversation, and handicrafts. 

There were in the year under our consideration 182 public 
and 72 private kindergartens — a total of 254 ; and the 
number of infants attending those public kindergartens was : 
Boys, 10,327 ; girls 8,972 ; total, 19,299. That of the 
private ones was : Boys, 2,235 ; girls, 2,137 ; total, 4,372. 
Aggregate total, 23,671. 

After the elementary schools the education of the boys 
and girls takes separate courses. There are higher schools 
and ordinary as well as higher normal schools for girls. 
There are also many private schools for their higher 
education. 

The relative percentage of the girls attending these 
schools is much less when compared with that of the boys 
attending similar schools, partly from the very nature of 
women's position, and partly on account of insufficient 
provision for admission of applicants. The courses and 
methods of their study also are not uniform. It would 
be tedious to enter upon a minute description of each. 
But I will try to give the general outline of them. 

First, as to the course of study in the higher schools for 

157 



THE RISEN SUN 

women, I quote part of the annual report of the Minister of 
Education. 

The course of study in the higher schools for women extends over 
four years, but may be further extended or curtailed by one year, 
according to local circumstances. In addition to general courses, sup- 
plementary courses not exceeding two years may be provided for the 
benefit of those desiring to study such arts as are necessary for 
women ; special art courses extending over not less than two and 
not more than four years, may be established in addition to general 
courses. Special courses of two or three years may also be so insti- 
tuted, for the benefit of those graduates who are desirous to pursue 
some special branches of study. 

The quaUfications of appHcants for admission are : age, 
twelve years and upwards ; possession of attainments at 
least equivalent to those who have completed the second 
year's course of higher elementary schools. The number 
of such schools for the year 1901-2 was : Public, including 
one connected with higher normal school for women, 61 ; 
private, 8 ; total, 69 ; and the number of pupils was : 
Public, 14,975 ; private, 2,240 ; total, 17,215 ; and the 
number of graduates was : Public, 2,778 ; private, 812 ; 
total, 3,590. 

The regulations for the courses of instruction relative 
to higher schools for girls are given thus in the first article 
of the ordinance of the Educational Department for such 
schools : — 

The courses of instruction in the higher schools for women 
should be : Moral precepts, Japanese language, foreign language, 
history, geography, mathematics, science, drawing, training for 
domestic affairs, cutting out and sewing, music and gymnastics. 

In cases where the period of school years is shortened foreign 
languages shall be omitted. 

The foreign language shall be either English or French. 

Foreign languages may be omitted, or may be made an optional 
course in all cases. 

Music may be omitted for those pupils for whom the art may be 
deemed difficult. 

Besides the courses enumerated above, pedagogy or handicrafts, 
or either of them, may be added as an optional course, excepting 
the cases where the period of school years is shortened." 

There is a college for girls situated in Tokio, and called 
the Higher Normal School for Women. The object of this 
college is for training instructors for higher schools for girls 

158 



WOMAN'S EDUCATION 

and for prefectural normal schools. The plan of the college 
is divided into a Literature course, a Science course, and an 
Art course. The first comprises ethics, pedagogy, Japanese 
language, Chinese literature, English, history, geography, 
music, gymnastics. 

The second comprises ethics, pedagogy, English, mathe- 
matics, physics, chemistry, natural history, music, gym- 
nastics. 

The third comprises ethics, pedagogy, English, physics, 
chemistry, domestic management, cutting-out and sewing 
handiwork, drawings and designs, music, gymnastics. To 
the Japanese language and Chinese literature is added the 
practice of penmanship. The course of household manage- 
ment is divided into two branches, one relating to pure house- 
hold management, and the other to family education. A 
post-graduate course, an elective course, a special course, 
and a training course for kindergarten teachers are insti- 
tuted as distinct courses of instruction. A higher school 
for women, an elementary school, and a kindergarten, are 
also organized in connexion with the chief instruction. 
The course of study for the main school extends over four 
years, the post-graduate course extends over two years, the 
elective course over four years, and the training course for 
kindergarten conductors over one year, the length of the 
special course being fixed at each admission of fresh pupils. 

The number of pupils in the year we are speaking of was 
311, and of graduates 86. One of the instructors of this school 
was Miss Yasui, who was educated in England ; she has 
gone to Siam lately by invitation of the Queen of that 
country, to instruct the women pupils there. A higher 
women's school is attached to this school. The course of 
study extends over five years, a year longer than other 
higher schools for women. 

There is a higher school for girls attached to the college. 
It is designed to provide the means of studying the general 
method of women's education, and affords the pupils of the 
college an opportunity of practical training in women's 
education. 

The number of pupils in that year was 325, of graduates 
91. 

An elementary school is also attached to the college. It 
is also designed to afford the means of studying the methods 

159 



THE RISEN SUN 

of general education, and to secure the pupils in the college 
an opportunity for practical training in teaching children. 
It is divided into three sections. The first section represents 
an elementary school in connexion with a higher school for 
girls, and is provided with ordinary and higher elementary 
school courses. The second section comprises both ordinary 
and higher-school courses. The third represents an ordinary 
elementary school organized as a single-class school. The 
course of study varies from two to four, according to the 
sections. 

The number of pupils in ordinary elementary course was 
323, of whom 80 were boys and 243 girls ; and that of those 
in higher elementary course was 139, of whom 28 were boys 
and III girls. 

This gives a total of 462, 108 of whom were boys and 354 
girls. 

A kindergarten is also attached to the college. 

For the purpose of training v/omen teachers, special 
normal schools for women are instituted in some provinces, 
whilst in others a section is provided for women in the 
ordinary normal school for males. 

There is a school for women under the direct auspices of 
the Empress. It is under the control of the Minister of the 
Imperial Household, and not of the Minister of Education. 
It is called the Peeress's School, and, naturally, the women 
belonging to the noble families have the right of first en- 
trance, though the door is not shut against the daughters 
of other respectable families. Here also a kindergarten is 
attached. 

There is an Academy of Music in Tokio under the control 
of the Minister of Education. The course is divided into 
(i) preparatory, (2) main, (3) post-graduate, (4) normal, and 
(5) elective. In the Academy both men and women are 
admitted. 

Besides Japanese teachers, there were five foreign teachers 
in the school year of 1901-2, — two German, one American, 
one Russian, one French. 

As to private establishments for female education, the 
method, style, and origin are so various that it is beyond 
my power to attempt any clear description of them. I 
may, however, mention a few types of schools. 

The Tokio Jiogakkwan occupies a unique position. The 

l6o 



WOMAN'S EDUCATION 

idea was started by some foreign philanthropists in con- 
nexion with a foreign philanthropic mission ; it is outside 
the province of this school to teach religion, but its object 
is to educate young girls of a respectable class in the Anglo- 
Saxon attainments. The idea was taken up by several 
eminent personages, contributions to the fund having been 
made by both native and foreign patrons. It also receives 
some special patronage from the Imperial Household. The 
number of pupils in October, 1903, was 230, according to a 
recent periodical on female education. 

There is a college for girls in Tokio called the Women's 
University. The name may be somewhat inappropriate 
if compared with men's universities, but at any rate it com- 
prises a vast number of female aspirants. It exceeds 1,000 
at present, if we include all preparatory courses attached 
to it. 

There are also various institutions where girls may study 
medicine, pictorial arts, technical industry, even commerce 
and agriculture. 

There are not many women physicians practising, but I 
have seen some notified as passing State examinations. 

There are also many private schools for girls established 
by foreign missions in Tokio, Yokohama, Nagoya, Osaka, 
Kobe, Kioto, and many other places. Many of them are 
doing praiseworthy services for the education of women. 

There are in the city of Tokio 73 schools of all kinds for 
female education. These include the schools mentioned 
before, and also among them are included schools for mid- 
wifery and nursing ; but in a vast majority of them ordinary 
courses of instruction are given. 

A few words about the occupations of women. Men and 
women are pretty equally proportioned in Japan, so that 
the fair sex in Japan has greater chances of being married 
than in some other countries. When they are married they 
are mostly contented with looking after their household 
affairs and making themselves good wives and mothers. 
But there are a large number of women employed in opera- 
tive works, such as cotton, silk, and paper mills. As to 
the public institutions, the number of women employed is not 
great ; but a considerable number are employed as instruc- 
tors in schools ; and those who are less fortunate and have 
fewer attainments are employed to a considerable extent 

161 M 



THE RISEN SUN 

in different post and telephone offices and in some branches 
on the railway. Many private companies of different kinds 
have begun to employ women clerks as an experiment, and 
in most cases they have already proved successful. 

It seems that there is good hope for women acquiring a 
wider field for the display of their talents. 

It might not be quite out of place to add a few words 
about more or less important institutions organized by 
ladies. There are some twenty of such in Tokio : the 
Charity Hospital, under the direct patronage of the Empress, 
with her Imperial Highness Princess Arisugawa as the 
Chief of the Council ; the Japanese Ladies' Educational 
Society, with her Imperial Highness Princess Kanin as 
President ; the Special Society for Nursing the Sick, under 
the direct patronage of the Empress, in connexion with the 
Red Cross Society ; the Japanese Ladies' Sanitary Society, 
the Ladies' Society for Orphans, the Society for Nursing 
Infants belonging to female prisoners, and such-like, with 
eminent ladies as presidents. Most of them are doing their 
work well. 

A society for female charity handicraft is under the presi- 
dency of Miss Parker, of England. 

There are many similar institutions in the provinces. 

Proportionately, the mental capacity of Japanese women 
to men seems to be pretty similar to that which their Western 
sisters are supposed to bear to the men. We cannot, of 
course, predict what will be women's place in the social 
sphere at large in future ; but one thing is certain : the 
educational system for women has been extended, together 
with that for men, to a proportion that Japan has never 
before known. Their emulation and aspiration increase 
year by year, so that the supply of educational institutions 
is always far behind the demand. 



162 



CHAPTER VII 

HARA-KIRI : ITS REAL SIGNIFICANCE ^ 

HARA-KIRI ! The word has been before us, of late 
at every turn. In translating it the English equiva- 
lent is often given as " disembowelling " — a ghastly term, 
and, moreover, inappropriate. " Happy despatch " was 
formerly the phrase employed ; it is, as it seems to me, a far 
better term, though how that expression originated no one 
seems to know. The matter itself, to the Western notion, is 
already not an agreeable one to talk about, but the recent 
translation of the term makes it worse. It may not be wholly 
without interest for the reader if I try to explain, though 
with some diffidence, from the very nature of the subject, the 
true signification of the act, and at the same time endeavour 
in some degree to account for the sensitiveness displayed 
by my own country-people at the misapprehensions produced 
by a wrong translation. 

Literally, of course, hara-kiri is " belly-cutting," and this 
is the expression in common use, but kappuku, or more 
usually seppuku, is the word employed by persons of refine- 
ment, ^the actual meaning, however, being the same as hara- 
kiri. Seppuku and kappuku are expressions coined from 
Chinese. There are vigorous Anglo-Saxon terms in use in 
Great Britain which people of taste often prefer to replace 
— at afternoon tea, for example — by something, perhaps 
equally forcible, derived from the Latin. The instance is 
similar. 

Seppuku was, in the feudal period, an honourable mode 
of committing suicide. It was unknown to the Japanese 
of ancient days, and was a custom which grew with the age 
of chivalry. With us, in the Far East, to hang oneself is 

^ The Nineteenth Century and After, December, 1904. 

163 



THE RISEN SUN 

looked upon as the most cowardly of all methods of self- 
destruction, and drowning oneself or taking poison was 
deemed to be no better. Even to shoot himself was, in a 
Samurai, regarded as a base and ignoble way of shuffling 
off this mortal coil ; it was vulgarly spoken of as teppo-bara 
[h is changed into b for euphony], an abbreviation of teppo- 
hara-kiri, in other words hara-kiri by means of a gun, though 
in reality the throat, and not the hara, wdiS the spot usually 
assailed in this case. 

There was never an instance, so far as can be traced, of 
seppuku by a female, and the honourable equivalent thereof 
for a Samurai lady was generally known as jigai (self- 
destruction) a death by a stab in the throat from her own 
dirk, a weapon she generally carried in her girdle to 
be used in time of need. Where a Roman dame would in 
ancient times have plunged her dagger into her own heart, 
a Japanese heroine preferred to thrust the weapon into her 
neck ; and there is no record of either male or female in 
Japan ending existence in the fashion that is so often de- 
picted in Western novels, and less frequently, perhaps, in 
real life. 

Seppuku was not only a mode of self-dispatch, but was 
prescribed as a form of capital punishment for all of Samurai 
rank. Beheading, and still more hanging, were forms of 
execution that might not be employed in cases of offenders 
of the military classes, whose position, even to the last of 
their existence, merited respect ; and when, in very extreme 
cases, the crime of which a Samurai had been convicted 
was heinous enough to deserve exemplary punishment by 
condemnation to an ignominious death, the culprit was 
first stripped of his rank and privileges as one of the Samurai 
class. No Samurai was ever to be beheaded ; still less to 
be hanged. 

Naturally under such conditions the act of seppuku came 
to be invested with much formality, and cases in which the 
most elaborate etiquette had to be strictly observed were 
those when a daimio, i.e. a feudal baron, or Samurai of par- 
ticularly high standing, was called upon by the proper 
authorities to dispatch himself in this way in expiation of 
some political offence. A special commissioner was then 
sent from the proper quarters to witness the due execution 
of the sentence, and a kai-shaku-nin was chosen to assist 

164 



HARA-KIRI 

the principal in ridding himself of the burden of life. This 
person was selected by the condemned from the circle of his 
own immediate relatives, friends, or retainers, and the kai- 
shaku-nin's office was an honourable one, inasmuch as he 
was thereby privileged to render a last service to his comrade 
or chief. 

There was always a special apartment or pavilion pre- 
pared in which the ceremony had to take place ; a particular 
dress, designed for use only on these melancholy occasions, 
had to be worn ; and the dagger, or short sword, was invari- 
ably placed before the seat of the condemned on a clean 
white tray, raised on legs, termed sambo, which in the 
ordinary way is a kind of wooden stand used for keeping 
sacrifices offered to the gods, or for some similar solemn 
purposes. The actual cutting open of the body was not 
essential, a trifling incision in a horizontal line 6 or 7 in :hes, 
or rarely in two lines crossing each other — the more super- 
ficial the better, as proof of a light and skilful touch — being 
ordinarily made, followed by a deep cut in the throat. As 
a rule, however, immediately after making the incision in 
the abdomen the condemned made a slight movement of 
his disengaged left hand, and stretched his neck forward, as 
signs to the kai-shaku-nin to do his office ; perceiving which, 
the latter, who stood by with his sword ready poised, in- 
stantly struck off his principal's head. 

In Japan there is no need to speak directly of either hara- 
kiri or seppuku, as the euphemism ku-sun-go-bu is often 
employed — literally nine inches and a half, which was the 
proper length of the dagger to be used on these occasions. 
The weapon was always wrapped in some sheets of pure 
white paper, only the extreme point being exposed, and it 
was correct to hold it, when making an incision, in the right 
hand, not by the handle, but by the middle of the paper- 
wrapped blade. How to sit, how to bow to the spectators 
when about to commence the awful task, how to unfold 
reverently the part of the clothing which covers the upper 
part of the body, how to wrap up the dagger, and how to 
make the requisite signal to the kai-shaku-nin, were all 
matters on which the utmost nicety was enjoined, and were 
part of the instruction which every Samurai was obliged to 
receive from the master of military ceremonies. Hara- 
kiri, indeed, was to the Samurai a matter involving an ap- 

165 



THE RISEN SUN 

palling amount of ceremony. The end of the world-famed, 
" Forty-seven Ro-nins " was reached by seppuku in the 
same way ; each died by his own hand. They were given 
in charge of three daimios, in three separate groups, and on 
the appointed day each group killed themselves simul- 
taneously at an appointed hour, but each individual one 
after another, in specially erected pavilions provided in the 
gardens of the Yedo residences of the three barons. The tale 
so often retailed in popular story-books, that they all com- 
mitted seppuku around the tomb of their avenged lord, is 
fictitious, though it is true that they all were buried there. 

Perhaps the most notable instance of seppuku was that 
which took place at Sakai, near Osaka, just after the 
establishment of the new regime in Japan, when a number 
of young Samurai, some twenty in all, if I remember 
rightly, who, not liking the secret surveying of the locality 
performed by French naval officers and marines, had 
attacked the French, were ordered by the Government to 
expiate their offence in this fashion, in the presence of the 
French Minister, whose rage it was necessary to appease. 
He begged that the carnage might stop when eleven had 
thus closed their careers. 

I need scarcely add that this form of punishment has 
totally disappeared from our laws, with the abandonment 
of the distinctive privileges of Samurai, and the gradual 
assimilation of all classes of the Emperor's subjects in re- 
gard to civil rights and punishments. But, before that stage 
was reached, the practice had not wholly ceased for some 
years after the Restoration in 1867, and I well remember 
that there was a case in 1871, when a nobleman who was 
indicted for high treason was sentenced to ji-jin — literally 
self-ending — which was the same thing as seppuku. 

When seppuku was purely a voluntary act the formalities 
were necessarily much curtailed, and very often the person 
who thus conceived himself condemned by fate's decree 
retired to some secluded spot, and there slew himself in 
orthodox fashion, without making known his intention 
beforehand, and merely announcing his reasons by letters 
which he left by his side for all to read. The principle, how- 
ever, was always the same, and it was the Samurai's main 
endeavour at the last to observe due decorum and to con- 
form to the rules in every way that was possible. 

166 



HARA-KIRI 

There were numerous instances in which men of truly 
noble soul chose this manner of death. Watanabe Kwazan 
was one of them. He was councillor to a small daimio, a 
genuine patriot, and a pioneer advocate of the opening of 
Japan to foreign intercourse. As a painter, though an 
amateur only, he stood very high. In 1850, seeing that 
through his views on the subject of Western civilization his 
feudal chieftain was bound to be implicated, and that his 
own self-extermination would be requisite if his lord was 
to be preserved from the stigma which then attached to any 
predilection for Occidental methods, Watanabe hesitated 
not to commit seppuku, and thereby saved his master from 
any such imputations. 

Takano Choyei, a sympathiser and active co-operator 
with Watanabe, being a well-known physician and Dutch 
scholar, and Koseki Sanyei, who was also a Dutch scholar 
and assisted Watanabe by translating Dutch books for him, 
both died by seppuku for the same cause. 

Kuruhara Riozo, father of the present Marquis Kido, 
who succeeded to the heritage of the house of Kido after 
the death of his renowned uncle on the maternal side, and 
received the honour of a marquisate in memory of his rela- 
tive's splendid services to the nation, was another instance. 
Kuruhara was a brave Samurai. When Nagai Uta, an 
officer of high rank of Chosiu province, about 1862, advo- 
cated the definite opening of the country, Kuruhara sided 
with him. Circumstances compelled him to show that he 
had not adopted that view from any base motive, and in 
the furtherance of this attitude he committed seppuku. 
When he was stationed with the garrison of Uraga, the 
guarding of which place was entrusted to the Prince of 
Chosiu at the time of the American advent to the Far East, 
the present Marquis I to, then a boy of fourteen, was his 
subordinate, and when, a few years afterwards, he was 
despatched to Nagasaki at the head of a group of young 
Samurai of Chosiu for the purpose of studying the Dutch 
system of artillery, young I to was one of them. Ito was 
in those days a special favourite of Kuruhara, and knew 
him well. Ito was almost the first person to rush into the 
room when Kuruhara died. I have often heard the marquis 
talking with admiration of Kuruhara, saying what a fine 
chivalrous character he possessed, and how nobly and with 

167 



THE RISEN SUN 

what studied observance of formality he died. To pre- 
serve a perfect self-possession at any dread hour is the 
essence of the Samurai doctrine. By the bye, Nagai, just 
mentioned above, was himself one of those who committed 
seppuku. He died thereby at the command of his prince, 
as a consequence of a political dissension. I may perhaps 
remark here parenthetically that Japan's adoption of 
Western civilization was not attained without it costing 
her much in blood and treasure. 

In former days, sometimes, a man committed hara-kiri by 
an over-zeal for some cause which he advocated, merely 
to demonstrate his sincerity. Such earnestness is fine, but 
the method of exhibiting it has some drawbacks which 
have led to its being discouraged. Hara-kiri has in these 
later days gone out of fashion. 

The basis on which seppuku was prescribed as a mode 
of capital punishment for Samurai was that it was unbecom- 
ing the dignity and status of one of the warrior rank that 
he should be subjected under any circumstances to the 
rough handling of the common executioner, and therefore, 
when the deed of seppuku was a voluntary one, the root 
idea was the same, for it was undertaken in order to avoid 
ignominy, and to prevent the family escutcheon being 
stained by any act towards which the scornful might after- 
wards point a finger of derision.^ All that the Samurai 

^ The idea of the abdomen's being assailed seems to be that it 
was vaguely regarded as the seat of one's mind. So much so that 
the term "clear or black abdomen " used to be the signification of 
a good or bad mind. Scientifically it may not be correct, but then 
even the most scientific people speak of heart in place of one's 
thought or feeling. Assailing the abdomen, then, may be taken as 
an emblem of showing the clearness of one's mind, on the casting 
off of any pollution thereof. 

In an old Japanese book, however, the following statement 
appears : — 

" In the Hogen Monogatari it is stated that Tametomo, who was 
then 28 years old, leaned against the central pillar of the house, cut 
his abdomen but could not die, so he cut his back-bone and fell 
forward. Perhaps from that period warriors began to resort to 
Seppuku as a method of self-extinction, in order to show their 
bravery. The practice of a lord ordering his retainer to die by that 
method as a punishment is perhaps an innovation of a much later 
date." 

Hogeni Monogatari is an antique Japanese book. Hogen was an 
epoch eight and a half centuries ago, which is the time when our 

168 



HARA-KIRI 

might ask of his proud race — Hke Don Csesar de Bazan in 
Maritana — was " to die . . . and not disgrace its ancient 
chivalry," and as the chivalric spirit is still, I am glad to 
think, ardently cherished in Japan, there are occasions, as 
the readers of " war news " of the day must have discovered, 
when it yet seems to some to be appropriate to end their 
days in the fashion of feudal times, though among private 
individuals this course is now but very rarely resorted to. 

Among the Chinese and Koreans seppuku is unknown. At 
the capitulation of Wei-hai-Wei, ten years ago, the Chinese 
Admiral Ting destroyed himself by smoking an immense 
quantity of opium. He did this, in accordance with Chinese 
ideas, to save his men from punishment, and in the eyes 
of his countrymen it was altogether the act of a hero, and 
so it was. A Japanese, under like conditions, however, would 
have died, not by poison, but by seppuku. The three Chinese 
of high rank who had been implicated in the Boxer troubles 
of 1900, and committed suicide at the command of the Em- 
peror in consequence of the joint demand of the Powers, died 
either by taking poison or by hanging. If the event had 
taken place in former days in Japan, their deaths would 
have been secured by seppuku. 

Terrible as it unquestionably was to witness, the act of 
self-sacrifice was so bound up with the revered traditions of 
our race that it was shorn in great part of the horrors with 
which it must seem to readers in the twentieth century to 
have been invested. Exaggerated and loathsome accounts 
are even to be met with in popular story-books in Japan, 
scenes in which the victim is depicted as hurling, in a last 
effort, his intestines at his enemy, who is supposed to have 
been looking on — a thing in itself quite impossible under 
ordinary circumstances — and certainly, if it occurred, alto- 
gether exceptional. The incision usually made, as I have 
shown, was quite superficial, a mere flesh wound ; and 
death was due to the injury inflicted in the throat by the 
suicide's own hand, or to the good offices of the kai-shaku- 
nin, whose duty as assistant — the idea is perhaps better 

chivalric age begins. Tametomo was a well-known warrior of the 
Gen family. The above account of his death is perhaps an exaggera- 
tion, and moreover there is even another story representing him to 
have escaped to Lou Chou, where he became the father of the founder 
of the Lou Chou kingdom. 

169 



THE RISEN SUN 

conveyed by the term " second " in the case of a duel — it 
was to remove his principal's head with the utmost expe- 
dition. Thus to translate hara-kiri as disembowelling, or 
embowelling, is both ghastly and inaccurate in the impression 
that it leaves on the mind. 

Suicide in any form is incompatible with Western notions 
of right and wrong, and it certainly ought not to be encour- 
aged, and yet there may be conditions, it would seem to us 
in the East, when it may be wholly or partially excused. 



170 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE POLICE SYSTEM OF JAPAN/ 

IN Japan the police system is essentially a part of the 
State organization. It has nothing to do with the 
communal corporations. The police force is organized in 
each prefecture under a universal regulation of the cen- 
tral Government, with local option of making some trifling 
modifications to suit the condition of the locality, such as 
the average amount of the salary of the policemen and the 
total numbers of such men. The system in force in the 
prefecture of Tokio, our capital, which comprises the city 
of Tokio and some suburban guns (counties), forms an 
exception. The general control of the police forces belongs 
to the Minister of the Interior. In his ministry there is 
a special bureau for management of police affairs, with a 
director who acts under him. In prefectures the governors 
have the control of police affairs, each in his prefecture 
being under the general control of the Minister of the Interior. 
In each prefectural government there is a division of officials, 
with a chief, who takes charge of police affairs under the 
governor. 

The general expenditure of the police force is included 
in the prefectural budget and defrayed out of the prefectural 
taxation. But part of it is subsidized by the central Govern- 
ment, and besides the salaries of the officials and some 
small specific expenses are also paid by the Treasury. The 
budget is, of course, submitted to the consideration of the 
prefectural elective assembly in each prefecture, and thus 
the local assemblies have a voice in determining the average 
amount of the salaries of the men, and the number of men 
employed. The state subsidy is the one-sixth part of the 
whole expenditure of each perfecture (modified imperial 
ordinance of 1888) and the number of the men is one for 

^ Japan by the Japanese 
171 



THE RISEN SUN 

from 300 to 800 of population in cities and one for from 
1,000 to 2,000 in counties (imperial ordinance of 1896). 

In case of the prefecture of Tokio the system differs from 
other prefectures in that there is a police-governor, who is 
also under the general control of the Minister of the Interior, 
with separate establishment of his office, quite independently 
of the ordinary governor. Here the police governor and 
the ordinary governor carry on their function severally, 
but, of course, they have in many matters to execute their 
authority conjointly. It resembles very much the system 
practised in Paris. In Tokio, moreover, the State aid to the 
expenditure is the four-tenth part, instead of the one-sixth 
part which is the case with other prefectures. 

In each gun (county) there is a police-station, with a 
certain number of men allotted to it, under a police official 
(or rather officer, and hereafter to be called officer). 

Branch stations are often established besides in the rural 
districts ; generally one particular policeman is allotted to 
look after the police affairs within a certain compass of the 
locality and resides therein. There are several classes of the 
branch stations and sub-branch stations, according to 
their importance ; but it is scarcely necessary to dwell upon 
them in this place. 

According to the Government statistics, there were in 
the year 1901, police officers 2,116, and men 31,833 ; total, 
33,949, and the ratio of this total as to the whole popu- 
lation was I to 1,332. 

In the above description Formosa is not included, although 
the Islands of Yezo and Lou Chou are. But even in Formosa 
the system does not differ much, except that there is no 
prefectural assembly. In Lou Chou also there is no prefec- 
tural assembly, and in that respect Lou Chou is also an 
exception. 

The function of the police force is pretty much the same 
as in any other civilized country. Their functions are 
various, but they may be summed up as being " to keep 
peace and order " ; nay, not only to keep peace and order, 
as they are, but also to promote the welfare of the people 
without being over-officious. Hence they have, among 
kindred ancillary duties, to look after the sanitary conditions 
of the people and enforce sanitary regulations As a rule, 
their actions are expected chiefly to be " preventive " 

172 



THE POLICE SYSTEM 

in the first place and " suppressive " in the second place only. 
There is another duty appertaining to them, namely, the 
so-called " high police," which means the observation of 
political movements or intrigues which may be fostered 
within the Empire. They have also another function, 
which is that of the " judicial police." This function comes 
into action when an act which is punishable by law is com- 
mitted by a person. Here the police force is to be considered 
as forming part of the official personnel of the law court, and 
they are expected, as assistants of the court, to search and 
arrest the offenders. For searching or arresting an offender 
there are stringent rules for preventing abuses of authority ; 
but that is a matter to be discussed separately. These 
various functions are, of course, not devolved upon an indi- 
vidual police officer. On the contrary, the division or rotation 
of the tasks is regulated by minute rules and regulations. 
Fire brigades form a separate organization, apart from the 
public, but they are also under the control of the police 
authorities. * 

In the eyes of the law in Japan, policemen, low as their 
actual rank in the official hierarchy may be, are regarded 
as "government officials" and not as mere operative 
employes. As a matter of fact, their social standing 
is relatively higher than that of their comrades in the 
Western nations. True, they are incessantly taught to be 
civil and obliging to all with whom they come in contact, 
and not to display any official arrogancy; but they are 
not expected, nor do they feel it their duty, to do some 
things which appear to me quite common among Western 
nations. I mean they would not oblige any one by 
doing a thing which is inconsistent with their dignity, and 
therefore one would rather offend them if he were to expect 
some such thing to be done for him, say, by offering them 
a "tip." For instance, they would not come officiously to 
one's carriage and open the door if there were not some 
special reason for them to do so, such as an apprehension 
of accident. This is a very important point for foreign 
visitors to Japan to keep always in mind. It is my hope 
that foreign visitors will not judge our policemen on 
account of that difference from the Western point of view. 
I do not in the least mean to say that our system is in any 
way better. The Western method and habit have their 

173 



THE RISEN SUN 

good points. They are very useful and well adapted to 
the requirements of their countries. I only mean to say 
that our customs differ in these respects. 

In Japan the police force in its modern shape has been 
formed only after the abolition of the feudal system, as one 
may well surmise, though it has gone through much evolu- 
tion. It was the time when thousands of the young Samurai 
had lost their employment on that account, and it was 
chiefly those Samurai who were enrolled in the police force. 
Their social position and intellectual culture were of a 
rather higher degree than that of those with whom they had 
to come in daily contact. That condition has never been 
lost sight of. Even now, only those who pass a certain 
special examination prescribed for them are taken, and the 
examination is not a very easy one. Such being the case, 
it will not be difficult to understand the cause of the difference 
which exists between the Western police and those of Japan. 
Here I will interpose a few words. It is the constant desire 
of our authorities that the police should be especially civil and 
obliging to foreign visitors ; but that some unhappy incidents 
may have occurred without intention cannot be gainsaid. 
I once read in a newspaper that in a country town a police- 
man went up to a foreign lady who was watching the Crown 
Prince and Princess as they passed and requested her to 
take off her bonnet. In Japan it is the usual custom that 
men should take off their hats on such occasion : of course 
our women wear nothing on their heads. The policeman 
in question had not known the Western custom concerning 
ladies' bonnets : hence the request to take her headgear 
off. There was no wrong intention in this matter. At 
another time I heard of an incident taking place, of a foreign 
prince (incognito) shooting pigeons in a temple. A 
policeman, without knowing who he was, and knowing 
that he himself was doing only his duty, tried to stop him. 
Both these occurrences were unfortunate, but of course 
they were promptly explained and the matter ended. It 
is our hope that foreign visitors will always make certain 
allowances, remembering that they are in a foreign land and 
that they will take the trouble of explaining calmly rather 
than becoming irritated. I may also add that discrimina- 
tion in treatment, to be accorded to any one according to 
the social position which one occupies, is a matter of great 

174 



THE POLICE SYSTEM 

difficulty in Japan, especially on the part of such persons as 
policemen. Here, therefore, some allowance must also be 
made. Apart from the police question, it is needless to 
say that there are many things which are socially per- 
missible in one country and not in another. It is desirable 
for foreign visitors to keep these facts always in mind and 
make due allowances as the case may require. 

But to return to our subject. Although it is the endeavour 
of the Japanese authorities to keep up the standard of the 
police, the tendency of late years has shown the difficulty 
involved, inasmuch as the remuneration given them is 
not sufficient either to enlist, or to retain long in the service, 
men of the same standing as in former days. The monthly 
salaries were increased to some extent, but they are, after 
all, small, for they vary from 9 yen to 15 yen (the imperial 
ordinance of 1897), and this scarcely keeps pace with 
the general development of the country. The increase of 
local expenditure, however, prevents any significant augment- 
ation. There is a system of pension for long services of 
policemen or for those disabled in the discharge of their 
duties. There is a regulation of rewards for conspicuous 
services done by them, and a few other kinds of inducements. 
But all these are not quite equal to maintain the old standard. 

A few words more. There is in Tokio a college called 
" Police and Prison College," under the control of the Minis- 
try of the Interior. It is not a college in the strict sense. It 
is a place where police and prison officers are trained for 
the discharge of their special duties, both in theory and 
practice. Police officers are sent there from the prefectures. 
Each prefecture selects a certain number of the most promis- 
ing young officers from amongst the police force for his 
prefecture. When these police officers go back to their 
prefecture, they in turn train others at the training station 
of their several prefectures. This college was instituted in 
the year when the old treaties with the Western Powers were 
revised, and has proved most successful. The majority 
of the teachers were foreigners at first ; but their places are 
now taken by natives. 

And yet another word. With us there is a system of 
the so-called " applied-for-policemen." A bank or any 
commercial firm, or municipal corporation, private school, 
or even private family of sufficient standing, may apply for 

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THE RISEN SUN 

the permanent despatch of a number of policemen to their 
premises, and so estabUsh a kind of privately regulated 
police-station. These policemen do not differ from their 
colleagues in any way, except that the expenses pertaining 
to them are defrayed by the applicants. To make it more 
clear, there is a fixed sum, which is determined by the 
governors with the concurrence of the respective prefectural 
assemblies, to be contributed to the authorities for each of 
the men applied for. These men are not always identical, 
but the necessary number of them is always stationed on 
the same premises and keep watch, which plan has proved 
both convenient and successful. 



176 



CHAPTER IX 

THE ETHICS OF JAPAN* 

THERE are three sources of the factors which influ- 
enced the moulding of the ethical system in Japan, 
namely Shintoism, Buddhism and Confucianism. The 
first is the native religion of Japan ; the second is, needless 
to say, a religion originated in India and introduced to Japan 
through China and Korea ; and the third is the moral teach- 
ing of China. As to the relative positions of these three, 
they are fully explained in the chapter on " The Religions 
of Japan." They are not antagonistic to one another, 
as people not living in Japan might imagine, and as would 
only appear natural to these people from their own notions 
of religion. Of these three, Buddhism is the most religion- 
like in the ordinary sense of the term. Shintoism ranks 
next, but it is very simple and liberal if viewed in the light 
of a religion. Confucianism comes last ; it is ordinarily 
classed by Western writers as a religion, but as a matter of 
fact its religious aspect is very vague, and it is not considered 
a religion by the Orientals. Perhaps a better term for it 
would be the Chinese teaching of morality, because moral 
notions which can be gathered from Chinese study are com- 
prised in all sorts of Chinese writings, and Confucius, the 
great sage, is only one of the exponents thereof. Confucius, 
however, takes a very high place among those exponents, 
and therefore he came to be revered more than any others 
by Orientals ; and thus Chinese teaching came to be usually 
associated with the name of that great sage. I cannot do 

* An address delivered at the Society of Arts, March 8, 1905. 

177 N 



THE RISEN SUN 

better than follow this example, and call Chinese teaching 
by the name of Confucianism. 

Comparing these three systems of teaching with regard 
to ethics, Confucianism stands out very prominently in its 
systematic exposition and practical utility. Buddhism, it 
is said, is very philosophical, and deep in its ideas of the 
cosmos, and there is no doubt that it is capable of exercising 
a great influence on the popular notion of a future life, though 
it does not do so as much in Japan as in some parts of the 
Asiatic continent. It has, however, very little to say with 
regard to ethics relative to the actual life of the human being. 
It says you must not do wrong — it says you must do good 
— but as to what is good or what is bad it is very vague in 
its meaning. It suggests rather religious notions than 
practical ethics, how one should behave in this world towards 
one's fellow creatures or towards the community or State 
to which one belongs. It speaks of ten warnings and four 
benevolences. The ten warnings are : i. Do not kill the 
living. 2. Do not steal. 3. Do not commit adultery. 
4. Do not speak wantonly. 5. Do not make sensational 
exaggerations. 6. Do not calumniate. 7. Do not use a 
double tongue. 8. Do not be greedy. 9. Do not be angry. 
10. Do not entertain crooked views. 

The four benevolences which one has to remember are : — 
I. The father and the mother. 2. The ruler of the land. 
3. " All beings." 4. The three treasures, i.e. the Buddha, 
the Laws, and the Priesthood (Order). 

It speaks of compassion and forbearance. It also speaks 
of eight correct ways : i. Correct views. 2. Correct 
thoughts. 3. Correct words. 4. Correct conduct. 5. Correct 
living. 6. Correct ministration, meaning self -reflection 
and aspirations. 7. Correct conception. 8. Correct media- 
tion. In their essence, however, all these teachings are 
mostly of a negative character, and, moreover, I must say 
that they have more importance from a religious point of 
view than from an ordinary, and a practical ethical point 
of view. Therefore I can say that Buddhism has very little 
to do with the ethics of Japan in the sense of a systematic 
exposition of them, though in an indirect way it has had 
some influence on the moral atmosphere of the Japanese, 
as I shall show later on. 

The Chinese teaching, otherwise called Confucianism, is 

178 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

a system of moral teaching founded upon a patriarchal sys- 
tem of community. It does not, therefore, only speak of 
the good conduct of an individual, as relating to his fellow- 
ship with other individuals ; but also from the point of view 
of the whole system of community as a state. Therefore 
it speaks of modes of governing and of being governed, as 
well as of individual relationship between man and man. 
It does not recognize any difference between sovereignty 
and ruler, nor does it notice a difference between State and 
country. In it, the greatest natural bonds of humanity 
are five, and they are : i. Sovereign and subjects. 2. 
Father (implying also mother) and child. 3. Husband 
and wife. 4. Brothers (implying also sisters). 6. Friends. 
To each of these relationships, the essential duty which is 
to be borne in mind by each individual is separately attri- 
buted, and to each of these duties a special term is given to 
designate its actions from the point of view of a virtuous 
nature. Besides these five relationships there are two 
other relationships which have to be added, namely, the 
relationship between the elder and the younger, not neces- 
sarily meaning brothers, and also the relationship between 
master and pupil. The term, " the sovereign and subjects," 
in Oriental notions, signifies in their bearing a very deep 
meaning in their mutual relationship. I once heard from 
a very trustworthy authority that a Western diplomatist, 
well versed in Oriental affairs, had said that the Oriental 
idea concerning sovereign and subjects was not, and could 
not, be thoroughly understood by Occidentals, and I think 
that remark is not far from the truth. 

The idea of the best virtue that a sovereign can have is 
" jen," meaning to be as humane as possible to his subjects, 
detesting oppression, giving the best administration to his 
country — in a word, to be the best ruler that ever ruled a 
land. The idea of the best subject is loyalty. The idea of 
the relation of father and son is filial piety on the part of the 
child, and strictness on the part of the father, which is 
modified in the case of the mother towards tenderness, for 
which there is a special term. The idea which governs the 
relationship between man and wife is harmony. The older 
word for this was " distinction," meaning " not to be un- 
seemly," but the word " harmony " is also used sometimes, 
and we Japanese prefer it. The idea of that of brothers 

179 



THE RISEN SUN 

and sisters is brotherly friendship, for which also a special 
word exists. The idea of that of friends is trustworthiness. 
In this way all the five cardinal bonds are dictated by 
desirable manifestations of sympathetic attentions to one 
another. But of course more prominence is given to the 
virtue of a subject, a child, or younger brother, in the case 
of a sovereign and subjects, or parents and children, and of 
brothers respectively. Then, again, the elder and the 
younger in general are expected to respect each other as the 
case demands, and the relationship between them is to be 
regulated by a term which is equivalent to the English word 
" order," that is to say, the younger should not seek to 
supersede the elder, but to pay respect to him, whilst the 
elder is expected not to take advantage of the younger but 
to treat him with kindness. The relationship between 
master and pupil is also regarded as very important. The 
pupils are expected to respect their master almost as much 
as their parents, while the master is expected to treat his 
pupils with parental kindness ; no businesslike thought is 
to enter their minds. In the olden times in the East the 
system of teaching and learning was very different to that 
which exists in these modern days. The teacher taught 
his pupils out of the love of imparting his knowledge and 
virtuous example as well as the doctrinal principles he enter- 
tained, whilst the pupils were supposed to gather around 
him out of their admiration for the personality of their 
master and for the purpose of receiving his instructions and 
influence for their personal improvement and future use- 
fulness. Such being the case, it was no wonder that the 
relationship between a master and his pupil was regarded 
as of so much importance in ethics. 

Apart from these classifications the virtuous attributes 
of man are spoken of in several other ways. We have first 
of all " wisdom, humanity, and courage." These three are 
considered to be the three greatest traits of character to be 
embodied in one person. Wisdom may not exactly fall 
under the category of a virtue in its strictest sense, but I 
suppose we need not be very critical on this point. In this 
instance humanity, that is " jen " in the Chinese original, 
may be interpreted as comprising every other virtue besides 
mere mercifulness. There is^ another catalogue, viz. : 
" humanity, justice, decorum, wisdom, and faithfulness." 

1 80 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

These five are considered essential elements of virtue for 
regulating a community, and should be observed by each 
member of it. There is another — " filial piety, brotherly 
friendship, loyalty, and faithfulness ; " these give guidance 
to a man in his capacity of a son, a brother, a subject, and 
a friend. There is yet another — " sympatheticability, 
goodness, respectfulness, self-restraint, and modesty." 
These are virtues considered important as regards one's 
self-control. As to the women, " quietness, modesty, and 
purity " are considered the ideal traits of their character, 
besides all those which I have just described above, which 
are of course applicable to women to an extent^almost equal 
to men. 

In the West the term love plays an extensive part in 
governing all the mutual relationships of the kinds enumera- 
ted above. The essence of Oriental ideas does not differ 
from it in its purport, but expressed in words the word love 
does not play so extensive and imperative a part as it does 
in the West, because in the Confucian doctrine different 
technical terms are used, as we have already seen, to meet 
each particular case. The word love is used very sparingly 
in the Confucian books, and it is used more especially for 
designating one kind of virtue as, for example, " extensive 
love " meaning philanthropy in the Western sense or 
*' charity " in the sense in which it is used in the English 
New Testament. The word " jen," which ordinarily may 
be translated as humanity, more resembles the Western 
word love, because that word " jen " may be interpreted 
in many ways suitable to the occasion on which it is used, 
almost in the same way, and in a similar sense, that the 
word love can be used. But the meaning of that word 
" jen " is more comprehensive and deeper, because it implies 
some other meaning than mere attachment. I will not 
worry you by going into full details of the interpretation 
of that word, as it is too technical. There is, however, one 
thing worth noticing about the word love in Chinese. When 
that word is singled out it is also applicable to many cases, 
including the relationship above enumerated. Thus it can 
be used in a very comprehensive manner, and thence there 
arises a question about the essence of the word. The ques- 
tion is whether the notion of love is absolute, and conse- 
quently has no gradation or differentiation in its nature. 

i8i 



THE RISEN SUN 

At the time of Mencius, sometime after Confucius, there 
was a school of philosophers who maintained that there 
ought not to be any differentiation, but Mencius maintained 
that that was a fallacy. The word may be the same, but 
the practice may be differentiated according to the circum- 
stances. The meaning is that one should love a nearer 
object more than a distant one, and thus the ethical notion 
of cosmopolitanism was reconciled with other notions of 
different virtues — in other words, if one does good to his 
neighbour more than to a stranger, or if one does more good 
to his country than to other lands, out of the feeling of love, 
it is quite justifiable from an ethical point of view, and thus 
Chinese ethics are made reconcilable with the principles of 
state. And this is, I think, an important landmark in which 
Confucianism differs from the features of an ordinary religion, 
which in its essence is, as a rule, founded upon cosmopolitan- 
ism, and knows not an artificial boundary of states. 

There is a Chinese maxim which says, " No loyal subject 
serves two masters, and no virtuous woman sees two men." 
The cardinal points of the Chinese ethics are loyalty and 
filial piety ; so that, although all sorts of virtues are incul- 
cated, greater importance is placed on these two points. 
In China, learning means studying moral teaching. There 
are, of course, many subjects for study, but moral notions 
pervade every branch of literature. It is so, even with 
history. Chinese histories, as a rule record only events as 
they occur ; they have no historical or political observa- 
tions, and any observations made by the writers are written 
in such a way as to draw attention from a moral standpoint. 
Their histories, therefore, have very little value in the 
ordinary sense of history, as the term is employed among 
Western nations, but the fact remains that they pay much 
attention to moral lessons. Their expositions of moral 
teaching are done more in the way of philosophical or 
scholastic dissertations. The ethics of China, however, 
were not necessarily identical throughout the long period 
of her history, extending over several tens of centuries. 
There were several schools of philosophers besides Confucius, 
some of whom even went so far as to differ from him in many 
points ; and also the interpretations of Confucianism differed 
at different epochs. But the chief feature of his teaching 
has always remained the same, and all that I have said 

182 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

about it above represents fairly the idea of Confucian doc- 
trine. It is natural that Confucianism should be regarded 
as a sort of religion, because its followers respect it almost 
as a believer in religion respects his creed ; moreover, Confuci- 
anism recognizes in a measure the existence of some supreme 
power. It speaks of heaven in the sense of a power ; it 
speaks of the " Commandment of heaven " ; it even speaks of 
the ' ' supreme emperor, ' ' meaning the supreme being. It also 
recognizes the immortality of the soul, though in a vague 
manner, and pays great attention to festivals given in honour 
of one's ancestors ; to use a common phrase, it worships 
the ancestors. But the parts of Confucianism which relate 
to the future of man only form a subordinate element of it, 
so much so that Confucius himself once said, " I do not yet 
know the living, how can I know the dead ? " At all events, 
I, in common with most Orientals, do not regard Confuci- 
anism as a religion in its ordinary sense. There are of course 
many customs and matters of etiquette sanctioned by 
Confucianism, or rather enforced by it, which are absurd or 
impracticable in the eyes of the Japanese, but there is no 
necessity for me to dwell upon these shortcomings here. 

Let us now see what is Shintoism. It is essentially indi- 
genous to the soil of Japan. It may be regarded as religion, 
and yet if it be a religion it is certainly of a unique kind, 
having nevertheless much similarity to the ancient cults 
of the Greeks and the Romans. It has no founder, nor has 
it any dogmas, in the ordinary sense of a religion. It has 
grown up with the customs and traditions and general 
characteristics of the nation. It recognizes the immortality 
of the soul ; it acknowledges the existence of supernatural 
powers ; it reverences the ancestral spirits, and therefore 
it may be called a religion of ancestral worship. In that 
respect it resembles Confucianism. It concerns itself, how- 
ever, with temporal affairs far more than with spiritual 
affairs. In this respect also it very largely resembles Con- 
fucianism. It has existed in Japan from time immemorial, 
long before the introduction of Confucianism and Buddhism. 

From an ethical point of view it has more teaching in it than 
Buddhism, but it is not so elaborate as Confucianism. Never- 
theless, it has a tight grasp of the Japanese mind. It is 
supremely content with its simple tenets, so much so that 

183 



THE RISEN SUN 

a well-known scholar, who was a devout supporter of it, 
when speaking of its ethical teaching in comparison with 
Confucianism, once said that " We do not want so many 
nomenclatures as Confucianism requires to signify all sorts 
of virtues and good conduct, and our simple teaching is 
quite enough to cover all." 

Shintoism is also based upon a patriarchal form of com- 
munity. Its essential notion of ethics is cleanliness of 
conscience ; but the idea of cleanliness is applied not only 
mentally but also physically — hence its tendency to bodily 
cleanliness as well as other cognate matters. It speaks of 
good and bad ; it designates bad minds as " black " or 
" muddy," and good minds as " red " or " clear." Its ideals 
of conduct are honesty and straightforwardness. It rever- 
ences its ruler from the very nature of its cult, and a magni- 
ficent ideal of a subject and a citizen is developed from these 
simple notions. 

Such are then the three great sources of Japanese ethics. 
It is like the foam produced by currents of water. The 
water is the source, but when foam is produced it differs 
from actual water. So Japanese ethics are produced by 
the intermingled notions of these agencies, but they are no 
longer of the same substance as their source. I mean to 
say that our ethics have formed their shape quite independ- 
ently of the orthodox or dogmatic parts of any religion, and 
people regard them as such in the same way as one would ordi- 
narily regard foam as differing from water. I will now explain 
how this has been brought about. From about the sixth 
century of the Christain era Chinese study was introduced 
into Japan, and almost simultaneously Buddhism was also 
introduced to our country. The study of Chinese, as I said 
before, means the study of Chinese ethics, and I may say 
that Chinese has become almost like our own literature, 
though we had our vernacular literature co-existing. The 
study of Chinese, therefore, meant the introduction of Chinese 
ethical notions, in the same way as the study of Greek or 
Latin introduced Greek or Roman notions into European 
countries. This, however, did not mean that it supplanted 
our own ideas of morality, but it rather supplemented and 
augmented our notions in so far as it concerned the nomen- 
clature and classification of different ethical virtues. We 
did not mean to make ourselves slaves to Chinese notions, 

184 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

we rather utilized Confucianism ; and therefore Confucian- 
ism, as interpreted in Japan, is not the same as Con- 
fucianism in China. There is a story told of a Japanese 
professor, who was a deeply read Chinese scholar, and 
his pupils. The master once asked his pupils, " Suppose 
China invaded Japan with an army led by Confucius 
himself as the generalissimo, and assisted by Mencius 
as his lieutenant ; what would you do ? " The pupils 
replied, " It would be our bounden duty to take up arms 
unhesitatingly for our country and beat and crush them to 
pieces." Thereupon the master smiled and expressed his 
glad assent. This will show how we interpret Chinese 
teaching. Then also Buddhism, poor as it is in ethics, has 
contributed something towards forming our national char- 
acter, in that it has indirectly assisted in inculcating gentle- 
ness, and also kindliness to living beings. I may go a step 
further : Buddhism itself as interpreted in Japan is not the 
same Buddhism as it was originally. It had to accommodate 
itself to the requirements of the country. Then also Buddhism 
in China and Japan is studied in books which are translated 
into Chinese, and therefore the priests who study their own 
religion have also to study Chinese, which, I repeat, involves 
the study of Confucianism, and therefore they are familiar 
with that teaching. The Japanese priests, therefore, made 
use of Shintoism and Confucianism in their own teaching 
on any points where they found their own teaching was 
deficient, that is to say, that they did so in practical and 
moral teaching. And, not only that, we notice even the 
dictum of Buddhism itself is sometimes modified to suit 
such purposes. I mentioned above four benevolences 
spoken of in Buddhism as being " the father and the mother," 
" the ruler of the land," " all beings," and " the three 
treasures." I do not know whether this is to be found in 
the Sanscrit original, I think it is not, it sounds more like 
a Chinese Buddhistic notion. It is still further modified in 
an old Japanese book as " heaven and earth," " the ruler 
of the land," " the father and the mother," and all " beings." 
And thus for " the three treasures " is substituted " heaven 
and earth." This occurs in a passage which is put into the 
mouth of a famous Shigemori in a discourse which he made 
when he severely admonished his father Taira-no Kiyomori, 
though with filial tenderness, when the latter had behaved 

185 



THE RISEN SUN 

badly towards his sovereign the Emperor. The passage is 
to be found in a famous book written in the middle of the 
fourteenth century by Kitabatake Chikafusa, who was a 
court noble, a royalist, and a man with much knowledge 
of Buddhism. 

Here I have to speak of Bushido. The term, as well as 
its general purport, has been of late made widely known in 
this country ; but, as many people wish it, I will say some- 
thing about it, although it may be only, as we say, " adding 
legs to the picture of a serpent," I mean it maybe quite an 
unnecessary addition. Bushi literally means a military 
gentleman, or in more common English, a military man ; 
and " do " literally means a road or way, and in its extended 
significance, a principle, a teaching, or a doctrine. The 
term for " Bushi " in old refined Japanese is " Mononofu," 
and the term for " do " is " Michi," therefore the more 
refined ancient Japanese name for Bushido was Mononofu- 
no-Michi. The origin of the " Bushi "is as follows : They 
were originally large or small landlords of the provincial 
parts of Japan, and had their retainers or vassals. At the 
time when, in the court of the empire, over-refinement, or 
rather effeminacy, succeeded enhghtenment, and nobles who 
usually resided in the capital came to despise military service, 
those landlords and their retainers began to play military 
roles under different distinguished leaders. They were 
more prominent in the eastern parts of the country, called 
Kwanto, namely, the large plain, in the middle of which 
modern Tokio is situated. With the march of events, when 
the governing power fell into the hands of the military 
leaders, these landlords and their retainers began to form an 
hereditary class, and the system extended to the whole 
country ; this is the origin of Daimio and Samurai. I do 
not say that in the case of later developments of this system 
all Daimio and Samurai necessarily belonged to the same 
ancient stock, because at the time when the country went 
through many stages of war many new men appeared on 
the scene and enlisted themselves in the ranks of the Samurai, 
among them the Bushi, several of whom became Daimios 
themselves by their personal valour and the distinction they 
attained. But I may say that on the whole the successive 
stages of the class always inherited and handed down the 
same sort of sentiments and notions as their predecessors. 

i86 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

We may in a measure compare this military class with the 
country squires in this country, who gradually became 
barons of the Middle Ages, together with their children and 
retainers. " Bushido " is no other than the doctrine held 
and cherished by that class as its code of honour and rule 
of discipline. In the earliest days of the development of 
that class, individuals forming it were not cultured or 
enlightened in the sense of luxurious refinement ; in other 
words, they were mostly illiterate. But on the other hand 
they were mostly men with healthy notions of manliness 
in contrast to those who usually lived in the capital town, 
where literary and artistic culture under Chinese influence 
had been attained in a marked degree. The motive and 
sense of their culture were therefore more like those belonging 
to primitive Japan, unstained by foreign influences. The 
families belonging to this class were called in their early 
days "The houses of the bow and arrow." Needless to say 
that the early projectile weapons of warfare were the bow 
and arrow, and they had a place of honour amongst the war- 
like instruments of those days. Little by little a phrase, 
" Yumi-ya-no-michi," literally meaning " The ways of the 
bow and arrow," came into existence, and it was the original 
name of Bushido. At first, perhaps, the word referred more 
especially to the proper use of the instrument of war, but 
it soon came to signify something more. There were many 
ceremonies and etiquettes which grew up with a warrior's 
life and military affairs, not only with reference to his com- 
rades or to his superiors and inferiors, but also with reference 
to how he should comport himself towards his enemy. 
At the bottom of all these matters there lay the idea of 
honour, not merely one's own honour, but also a compas- 
sionate regard for the honour of the enemy. All these ideas 
came to be implied in the term " The ways of the bow and 
arrow." Here we see that special moral sentiments were 
being awakened among this class. Bushido, however, has 
no particular dogma or canon, except such as grew from 
practice, and except those of which we can gather some 
idea from instructions given by certain leaders or by certain 
teachers of military ceremonies or science in the way of 
interpretation of such matters. Here we have an instruction 
given to his men by Yoritomo, the first Shogun, and there- 
fore one of the early leaders of the system. The essential 

187 



THE RISEN SUN 

points of the instructions are these : i. Practise and mature 
miHtary arts. 2. Be not guilty of any base or rude conduct. 
3. Be not cowardly or effeminate in behaviour. 4. Be 
simple and frugal. 5. The master and servants should 
mutually respect their indebtedness. 6. Keep a promise. 
7. Share a common fate by mutual bondage in defiance of 
death or life. 

We may say that notions such as these were the founda- 
tions of the ethical parts of Bushido. These will mean when 
interpreted in ethical terms of the Chinese school : i. Dili- 
gence in one's profession. 2. Love and loyalty between 
master and servants. 3. Decorum and propriety. 4. Gal- 
lantry and bravery. 5. Trustfulness and justice. 6. Sim- 
plicity and frugality. 7. Contempt of meanness. 

At the bottom of these lay the sense of honour. When 
speaking of any action as unworthy of a Bushi, the following 
phrase was customarily used in early days, " It is disgraceful 
in the presence of the hand of the bow and arrow," as in 
later days one would say " A disgrace to Bushi," in the same 
way as you would say in English, "It is unbecoming to a 
gentleman." The term " Bushi " has in many ways a 
similar meaning to " gentleman " in English. Bushido, 
of course, encouraged bravery above all things. In an old 
book describing the war between Gen and Hei, an account 
of the bravery of Bushi of Kwanto — namely, the plain above 
referred to as that where Bushido originated — is put into 
the mouth of a general of Hei as having been addressed to 
his generalissimo, who commanded the army of Hei, which 
was formed of recruits coming from Kioto and its neighbour- 
hood. The narrative was to this effect : — 

According to the usage of the warriors of the East, the son 
would not withdraw from the battlefield though his father might die, 
or the father would not think of retiring though his son might fall. 
He would advance and advance, and jumping over the dead, would 
fight regardless of death or life. As to our own men, they are all 
weakly recruits from the neighbourhood of the capital [where effemi- 
nacy reigned at the time]. If the father were wounded, the son 
and all the members of the family would take advantage of this and 
retire ; if the master were killed, his followers would utilize the 
chance, and, hand in hand with their brothers, would withdraw and 
disappear. 

This may be a somewhat exaggerated account, but it will 

188 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

show how greatly the original Bushi estimated bravery, in 
the same way as our men do in these days. 

In addition to these characteristics, some other features 
which were brought into more prominence are entitled to 
be singled out, namely, fortitude, generosity, imperturba- 
bility in the presence of danger or on any unexpected oc- 
currence, compassionateness, and straightforwardness. This 
kind of attitude was inculcated even in physical exercises 
of different modes of fighting, such as fencing, practice with 
the spear, and jujitsu. There is a verse composed by a 
Japanese which may be translated thus : — 

Even in the eyes of the warrior 

Whose beard is ten fists long, 

The one thing that softly flows from them 

Is the tear which is due to love. 

This aptly expresses the innate tenderness of heart of a 
Japanese warrior. There is another verse composed and 
penned by Commander Takeo Hirose in Chinese just before 
he went to his doom on the occasion of the second bottling 
up of Port Arthur, and which, therefore, constituted his 
last utterance in this world ; translated into English it runs 
as follows : — 

Would that I could be born seven times 
And sacrifice my life for my country : 
Resolved to die, my mind is firm, 
And again expecting to win success, 
Smiling I go on board. 

This will show the fortitude and determination of a Bushi 
at the hour of his exit from this life, and though Hirose was 
a man of our own day, he may be regarded as one of the 
best types of an old Bushi. 

Bushi is not foreign to Shintoism ; as a matter of fact, 
Bushi generally respect Shinto deities, and, moreover, some 
military ceremonies were performed in the supposed pres- 
ence of a Shinto god. Bushi openly invoke the god of war 
without any compunction, but Bushi never have done so 
in a bigoted way. It was more in the way of reverence paid 
to a deity of their inherited cult. They were never devotees 
of Shintoism as a religion. This sort of sentiment of the 
Japanese is very difficult to explain with clearness, but my 
meaning is that though they do not despise religion they 
place more importance on the affairs of the world and on 

189 



THE RISEN SUN 

their own exertions in the matters which they undertake. 
The Samurai do not worship their deity in order that their 
souls may be safely rescued in the future. I can therefore 
say that Bushido, as such, has no bearing upon Shintoism. 
It has its own independent existence, although to the extent 
I have just referred to it has its connexion with Shintoism. 
In other words, Shintoism was a cult founded upon our old 
customs and traditions, and therefore Bushi also shared the 
sentiments pervading that cult, but we cannot say that 
Shinto has produced Bushido. 

And again, Bushi do not despise Buddhism ; on the contrary, 
many of them may revere it, but Bushido, as such, has no 
connexion with this faith. In documents they often make 
use of a phrase in a vague way, " By the help of Shin-Butsu," 
meaning both the Shinto deity and Buddha ; but it does 
not mean that it has any foundation in Buddhism. If a 
Bushi were a believer in Buddha he probably would not 
like to show it. We have a story about Yoritomo, the first 
head of the Shogunate. When he first started in his youth 
his campaign against Hei, and hid himself in a mountain 
nook, having been defeated by his enemy he took out from 
his queue a small image of Kwanin (Kwannon) which he 
reverenced, saying, " If my head be taken by the enemy 
it would not be becoming to the generalissimo of Gen if this 
image were to be discovered." This will give you an idea 
of the way in which Buddha was viewed by Bushi. As we 
all know. Buddhism chiefly speaks of the future world. 
The idea of the Bushi was that it was an act of cowardice 
if one merely did good because one wished to be saved in 
the future world. Their idea was that good should be done 
for its own sake, and therefore if one believed in Buddha 
he had a sort of apprehension that he might be considered 
a coward. Of course history is not wanting in many in- 
stances of great warriors believing in Buddhism, but in 
many cases this fact had no great significance as far as their 
conduct and conscience were concerned. There was, how- 
ever, one feature in which a certain aspect of Buddhism 
had a considerable influence in moulding Bushido ; it was 
the influence of the teaching of the Zen sect. This requires 
some explanation. In the thesis of Buddhistic teaching 
there is included the idea of absorbing everything in the 
universe into oneself ; in other words, mental annihilation of 

190 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

all things except oneself. This is done by long and fixed 
meditation, and at least so far as he himself is concerned, 
a man can for the moment imagine and realize mentally 
that he is the only being in the universe, and all other things 
become nothing. Hence, when he is accustomed to medita- 
tion of that description, nothing will ever surprise or frighten 
him. There is a story about Hieuntsang, the famous 
Chinese Buddhist of the Tan period, who visited India. 
This priest was once caught by a band of robbers. He sat 
quietly down and began to meditate in the way described 
above. The robbers tried to intimidate him by threatening 
him with drawn swords pushed right into his face ; but the 
priest took no notice whatever of what they were doing 
to him, and remained entirely unmoved. The robbers, 
observing the attitude of the priest, and thinking that he must 
be an extraordinary personage, all went away and left him 
alone. This phase of Buddhism was introduced into China, 
where it became the cult of one separate sect of Buddhism. 
Bodhi-Dharma, an Indian priest, who visited China, is 
commonly accepted as the founder of this sect, which prac- 
tises meditation more than do other sects, but of course 
meditation is not its only feature. In general we may say 
it is more philosophical in the sense of regarding the universe 
in a nihilistic sense. This sect is called Zen, and it has been 
introduced into Japan also. It was patronized by several 
eminent Bushi in its earlier stages. Perhaps it was liked 
by them in that according to its doctrine a man puts aside 
the idea of reliance upon another, and places himself above 
everything else, and it was found to have an agreeable re- 
semblance to the spirit of self-reliance inculcated by Bushido. 
In the second place, it repels all ideas of luxury and display, 
and values simplicity and cleanliness ; and in that respect 
it was found to bear an agreeable resemblance to the frugal 
and simple life of the Bushi. Thus the Zen came to exercise 
its influence over the Bushi, but not at all in the sense of 
believing in future felicity ; quite to the contrary, from 
the very nature of that sect. This influence of Zen seems 
to have helped to a great extent the development of some 
of the characteristics of Bushido, such as imperturbability, 
stoicism, fortitude, and simplicity and cleanliness of thought 
or body. Here I may add that many traits of Bushido are 
no doubt to be found in the European knighthoods of former 

191 



THE RISEN SUN 

days, and therefore they are not really new to the Europeans 
who still remember those traditions. 

The weakest point of Bushido in its earlier stages was its 
want of literary culture in the way of systematic ethical 
study : hence it easily happened that a thing one might regard 
as correct might not be correct in reality when examined 
from a higher point of view. This difficulty was especially 
observable when two obligations came into conflict, and 
one had to be preferred to the other. The Bushi, in the 
earlier stages, knew more about their duty to their immediate 
master than to higher ones ; hence their difficulty in dis- 
criminating their duty to the supreme ruler of the land and 
that to their immediate head. Of course they knew that 
the Emperor was the highest personage in the country, 
but they were unable to find out an ethical solution of the 
question, and indeed in all matters they wanted more syste- 
matic enlightenment; 

These wants, however, have been supplied gradually as 
time went on, especially during the last three centuries. 
During this period almost unbroken peace reigned in the 
country. It ceased to have any intercourse with foreign 
countries except in a limited sense, but internally all branches 
of art and industry were encouraged and developed side 
by side. The study of Chinese and of native classics has 
been carried on in all parts of the land, and it was the Bushi 
who chiefly devoted themselves to such culture. Bushi or 
Samurai were retainers, as every one knows, of their lords, 
and certain pensions were given by their lords to each family, 
according to their rank, so that they had not to work for 
their own living. Hence their only duty was to make them- 
selves physically and mentally fit to fight for their lords in 
time of necessity, and, in times of peace, to make themselves 
as much like gentlemen as possible. In other words, physical 
training and mental enlightenment, together with the refine- 
ment of their manners and habits, were their sole business 
— they had no other occupation. For, indeed, any other 
occupation which partook of the shape of business conducted 
for profit was forbidden, and was despised among them. 
Bushido came to be deeply imbued with the principles of 
Chinese and Japanese classics as they were taught. I have 
shown above that in the systematic exposition of ethical 
ideas, Confucianism was the richest of all, and the essential 

192 



THE ETHICS OF JAPAN 

part of it was taken by Bushido ; as I have also shown above. 
There are, however, some defects in the Chinese teaching ; 
all the unimportant parts, therefore, were cast away, and the 
important parts were taken into the teaching of Bushido, 
and even these parts, only in such a way as to suit our 
national traditions and characteristics. The essential 
spirit of Shintoism was also resuscitated in Bushido in 
such a way as to give an impetus to it, but in no orthodox 
manner. Such then is our Bushido. The Bushi formed 
the governing class of the Japanese society, and it may 
be also said to have formed the educated class ; or, 
in other words, the Bushi may be called the gentry 
of the country. We can, therefore, say that Bushido was 
the ethics of Japanese society. In one way it may be said 
that Bushido, as such, was a monopoly of the military class, 
but in truth its spirit was not confined to this only ; the 
literary study of Chinese, as well as of native classics, was 
not necessarily limited to the military class ; hence the same 
notions which were imbued in it through these studies were 
also quietly extending their influence among people at large 
— amongst whom, I may add, there were many families of 
old Bushi, or families which were quite equal in their stand- 
ing to the Bushi class. Moreover, the spirit of Bushido 
has also been making its influence felt by other people 
in general. Thus we can see that the nation has been 
preparing itself for centuries for the promotion of moral 
ideas of the same kind as those of Bushido. 

The cardinal points of Oriental ethics, as may be expected, 
are loyalty and filial piety. In China, filial piety takes pre- 
cedence, but in Japan loyalty stands iirst. There is a poem 
by Sanetomo, the third Shogun of Kamakura and second 
son of the first Shogun, which may be translated literally 
as follows : — 

The sea may dry up. 
The mountain may burst asunder, 
But no dupHcity of thought 
Shall I have to my Sovereign. 

Such is the idea of loyalty which has been taught to the 
Japanese for centuries. Side by side with loyalty the idea of 
patriotism — a term which in Japanese is practically identi- 
cal in its purport with loyalty — was also inculcated, though 
the development of the last idea was later than the former. 

193 o 



THE RISEN SUN 

Then also all the other ideas relating to ethics, especially 
on the lines indicated in Confucianism, were inculcated side 
by side. With the abolition of the feudal system, some 
thirty years ago, the structure of Japanese society was 
totally changed, or rather restored to the condition which 
preceded the ascendency of the military class in the twelfth 
century. The question now arises. What is the actual state of 
ethics in Japan at present ? There is a new element which has 
been introduced into Japan in recent years : the element of 
Christian teaching ; in short of Christianity. The Constitution 
guarantees freedom of conscience, and therefore there is no 
hindrance to the propagation of the Christian doctrine with its 
moral teaching, and, as a matter of fact, there are a number of 
Japanese who have embraced that faith, but they are, after 
all, a very small minority compared with the number of the 
whole Japanese population. The essence of Japanese ethics 
is the same as existed prior to the new epoch, with certain 
modifications actuated by the new force of the altered con- 
ditions which, after all, affect only small details. I may 
say, in a word, that the Japanese ideal ethics form an exten- 
sion of Bushido among the people at large from the still 
extant class of Bushi with whom it originated. The sphere 
of the teaching is extensive, as is necessary from the very 
nature of the matter, but its essence may be summed up 
in a comparatively small compass. For this I cannot do 
better than quote a part of the so-called " Imperial Educa- 
tional Rescript " given to his people by the present Emperor. 
It is given in a previous chapter on the " Moral Teaching 
of Japan," but I will recite it once more : — 

*' It is our desire that you, our subjects, be filial to your parents 
and well-disposed to your brothers and sisters. Let husband and 
wife dwell harmoniously together ; let friends be mutually trust- 
worthy. Impose upon yourselves self-restraint and rectitude of 
behaviour. Extend to the multitude philanthropy. Advance learn- 
ing and regulate your pursuits, developing the intellectual faculties, 
and perfecting the virtuous and useful elements. Further, seek to 
enhance the public good and enlighten the world by deeds of social 
benefit. Treasure always the fundamental constitution and respect 
the national laws. In any emergency exert yourselves in the public 
service, and exhibit voluntarily your bravery in the cause of order. 
And by every means assist and promote the prosperity of the Imperial 
regime, which is lasting as the heavens and the earth. Thus you 
will not only be our loyal subjects and good citizens, but will manifest 
the highest and best traditions of your ancestors. 

194 



CHAPTER X 

THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN ^ 

THIS chapter is an attempt to explain the relative posi- 
tions of Confucianism, Shintoism, and Buddhism 
in Japan. It is literally a plain explanation of facts as they 
were and as they are. I have no thought of attaching 
thereto any arguments, either pro or con, or of instituting 
comparisons between these and other religions. 

In the Occident an individual has only one faith, or 
no faith at all, at a time. Every faith is distinct from all 
others, however closely they may individually approach one 
another. The Occidentals often try to peer into the inner- 
most recesses, so to speak, of Oriental faiths,without aban- 
doning their " one person, one faith " standpoint ; hence 
the first difficulty they encounter is to establish thoroughly 
the relative positions, as they deem them to exist, of 
Shintoism and Buddhism. They also give an undue prom- 
inence to Confucianism in its religious aspect ; hence the 
second difficulty in understanding its exact position with re- 
gard to Shintoism and Buddhism. Let me briefly dispose 
of these obstacles to enlightenment. 

To begin with, Confucianism is never looked upon in 
the Far East, at all events not in Japan, as a religion. Con- 
fucius and his famous followers are no more regarded as the 
founders or promulgators of a religion than are Socrates, 
Plato, or Aristotle so esteemed in the West. Confucian 
precepts of morality pervade every branch of our culture, 
it is true. But Confucianism is with us only cultivated as 
tending toward elevation of intelligence and of ethical no- 
tions, never as a religion. This being the case, both Shin- 
toism and Buddhism are very good friends with Confucian- 

^ The Independent Review y December, 1904. 

195 



THE RISEN SUN 

ism. As a matter of fact, both Buddhism and Shintoism 
rely upon Confucianism, to a great extent, so far as practical 
ethical teachings are concerned ; inasmuch as the latter, 
defective as it may be, is richer than themselves in that 
respect. It is true that, during the Tokugawa regime, 
when Confucianism attained its zenith in Japan, there were 
some cases of men being buried by special permission of 
the Government according to the Confucian rites of burial, 
in evasion of Buddhist rites, on account of the staunch 
adhesion of the dead persons to Confucianism during life. 
Even in these cases, it was more on account of the philoso- 
phical notions imbibed from Confucianism by the deceased, 
than out of respect for it as a religion, that these rites were 
observed ; and, besides, such cases were exceedingly few 
in number, so much so that we could count them on the 
fingers. There were scholars whose special studies were 
Chinese, and who made it their profession, as it were, and 
were therefore called " Jusha " (literati). A number of 
these scholars were buried according to those rites. The 
House of the Prince of Mito, and one or two other daimios, 
used these rites of burial from a similar cause. These 
were about all. 

As to the relative positions of Shintoism and Buddhism, 
I can say, broadly speaking, that all Japanese belong to both 
of them at one and the same time (Christian converts ex- 
cepted, of course, and they are not alluded to in this paper, 
for it would only confuse the subject). As a matter of fact, 
all Japanese, before the restoration of the Imperial regime 
in 1868, had to belong to both faiths. This must appear 
to be a somewhat startling proposition for me to advance ; 
but it was literally so in the days of the Shoguns. 

After the cessation of Spanish and Portuguese missionary 
labours, some three centuries ago, Christianity was forbidden 
throughout the Empire, and no other foreign religion was 
known. Buddhism, though originally foreign, was not 
regarded as such. In those days every family in Japan 
had practically to subscribe itself to one or other of the native 
religious denominations ; there was, in some parts of the 
land, even a special process periodically gone through in 
proof that the household had no leanings towards Christi- 
anity. These religious denominations only meant one or 
other sect of Buddhism. Shintoism was not included in the 

196 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN 

category. But a doubt will arise in the minds of my readers, 
how it came about in that case that they, the Japanese, also 
belonged to Shintoism. The explanation was simply that 
in those days Shintoism was not looked upon as a religion, 
in the sense in which religion is ordinarily understood in 
the West. There was, in each communal corporation or 
section of such, or in a few such corporations or sections in 
common, as the case might be, one or other Shinto deity, 
consecrated in a temple and regarded as the guardian god 
of those portions of the land, somewhat in the same fashion 
as a country, or part of a country, in the West has a patron 
saint. The people residing in the district formed a sort of 
congregation, and supported that temple,quite independently 
of their connexion with the Buddhistic congregation to 
which they belonged. The peculiar difference between 
these two kinds of congregation was, that the Shinto con- 
gregations owed their formation mainly to considerations 
of locality, whilst the Buddhist ones were more in the nature 
of assemblies of individual families, somewhat similiar to 
the congregations of the West. Besides local Shinto tem- 
ples, there were many more of them of greater sanctity, 
such as those at Ise, which were more elevated and more 
popular, and were places of worship for the people at large. 
In English, all buildings consecrated to the worship of deities, 
be they Shinto or Buddhist, are commonly called " temples "; 
but in Japanese the names are different. One is a tera, 
the other a miya. There was a sort of division of labour, 
as it were, between Shintoism and Buddhism. 

Broadly speaking, matters relating to temporal affairs 
belonged to the sphere of Shintoism, and those relating to 
spiritual ones belonged to the sphere of Buddhism. The 
spirit of Shintoism was clean and bright, whilst that of 
Buddhism was gloomy and dark. Hence, sacred services, 
which it was fitting should be pathetic in character, were 
performed by Buddhist priests, and those which were to be 
cheerful were performed by Shinto ones. The functions of 
priests were divided on those lines in general ; thus, funeral 
rites and memorial services for the dead were undertaken 
by the former, whilst the celebration of happy events was 
performed by the latter. For instance, when rites of " puri- 
fication " were performed, as was often done, on the site 
of some new building, prior to the commencement of the 

197 



THE RISEN SUN 

workmen's labours, they would be done by a Shinto priest ; 
or when a baby was taken out of the house for the first for- 
mal occasion, it was always to a Shinto temple that it was 
carried, and there it would be received by a Shinto priest, 
and an appropriate prayer would be offered by him to the 
Shinto deity, at the request of those who accompanied 
the child. One would, in the old days, never have thought 
of inviting a Buddhist priest to a wedding, though no pre- 
judice existed against a Shinto priest ; and of late a wedding 
is even occasionally celebrated in a Shinto temple. Shinto 
burials were very rare ; they were occasionally heard of in 
connexion with the families of the hereditary Shinto priests, 
but, even in those cases, an additional religious service was 
almost invariably performed by Buddhist priests. Thus 
we can easily see that there was little conflict of functions 
between Shintoism and Buddhism. Generally speaking, 
this state of things continues to this day, though, of course, 
entire freedom of conscience is guaranteed by the Consti- 
tution. By-the-by, to join the Buddhistic priesthood was 
in one sense regarded as giving up all individual pretensions 
and claims to worldly rights and privileges as a man. So 
much so, that the old refined Japanese term for the priests 
was Yo-sute-hito, i.e. men who had abandoned the world. 
Then, too, the essence of Buddhism has always been con- 
sidered to consist of being compassionate (or merciful), 
as may be seen hereafter. Hence, there existed some 
peculiar customs in the feudal period, leaving some slight 
traces even now. Thus, to shave off one's hair and pro- 
fess to join the priesthood was the greatest sign for acknow- 
ledging one's own fault ; for example, if a beaten chieftain 
asked for peace, after having his head clean shaven, it was 
not to be thought of by the conqueror to push the matter 
to the extreme ; or if a man serving a chieftain committed 
an offence deserving capital punishment, and a priest, ob- 
serving that there existed some ground for compassion, that 
his life should be spared, proceeded to " beg his life " (so 
it was termed), it was not considered as becoming the chief- 
tain to refuse it. And, again, some great monasteries used to 
afford asylums for offenders, somewhat similar to the monas- 
teries of medieval Europe. It was not considered as be- 
fitting a great feudal lord to chase an offender after he had 
taken shelter under the sleeves of venerable priests in a 

198 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN 

monastery, say, high up in a secluded nook of a mountain, 
it being more on account of saving the monks pangs which 
might otherwise be caused to them whose only ideal was 
supposed to be compassionateness. No such special con- 
siderations, however, ever existed with regard to Shintoism. 
The characteristics of Shintoism were vivacity and manli- 
ness, whereas those of Buddhism were humility and tran- 
quillity, though in practice the monks were often far from 
being so. These are the traits of the two faiths still obser- 
vable, side by side, in Japanese characters. 

The essence of Shintoism is cleanness of conscience. The 
commonest prayer of it runs : " Our eyes may see some 
uncleanness, but let not our mind see things that are not 
clean. Our ears may hear some uncleanness, but let not 
our mind hear things that are not clean," and so forth. 
Shintoism has no particular dogma ! It has no sacred books, 
except some perhaps on ancient history, and about two dozen 
texts in the form of set prayers, if these may be called 
sacred writings at all ! It is a poor creed in the ordinary 
sense of a religion ; but it holds Japanese minds in a powerful 
grasp sublimely contented with its simple tenets. There 
is an old Japanese poem attributed to Sugawara Michizane, 
who, by-the-by, is deified by the name of Temmangu, 
which says : "So long as a man's mind is in accord with 
the way of truthfulness, the gods will guard him though he 
may not pray." This is about correct as a delineation of 
the Shinto faith. It worships heavenly deities as well as 
some deified spirits of human beings, but more in the sense 
of reverence and thanksgiving for the good they have done 
and given to posterity, than as channels for obtaining new 
benefits. Hence it has no compunction in worshipping one 
deity one day and another the next day, or even simultane- 
ously. If any individual worshipper goes further, it is 
more with the hope of " driving off " some evil spirit which 
might induce him to do wrong or visit him with some evil, 
than to implore the deity to bestow on him some extra boon 
— as a matter of fact, the commonest form of prayer offered 
in Shinto rites is called Harai, i.e. " driving off," meaning, 
to make one free, both physically and mentally, from any 
pollution caused by any sin he might have committed, or 
by any evil inflicted by a malignant spirit. And, more- 
over, the nature of Shintoism is not intolerant so long as 

199 



THE RISEN SUN 

its sphere is not encroached upon ; but, at the same time, 
it is indigenous to Japanese minds, and therefore is not 
easily to be taken away. 

The early Buddhist priests knew this well ; hence, not 
only did they not try to oppose it, but they sought to in- 
corporate it in, or at least to induce it to fraternize, as it 
were, with, their own creed. Some of them went so far as 
to represent Shinto deities as being incarnations of Buddha 
or Bodhisattva, basing this proposition on a theory called 
Honji-Suijaku ("origin and manifestation") derived from 
an original Buddhistic theory of Dualism. Nay, more ; 
there existed several large temples where both Shinto and 
Buddhist priests ministered together, with a certain demar- 
cation of their functions, of course. And this was called 
" Dual Shintoism." 

It was only after the restoration of the Imperial regime 
that any appreciable amount of friction manifested itself 
between Shintoism and Buddhism. It may be remem- 
bered that Shintoism had so small share in the work of 
the restoration, from the very nature of the movement, 
whilst Buddhism did almost nothing in that direction, 
except that there were many Buddhist priests who took 
part in it from their individual proclivities. In the early 
years of Meiji, there prevailed two great currents of thought : 
Fukko, i.e., return to ancient, and I shin, i.e., thorough 
innovation (or rather, renovation). Though apparently 
opposed to each other, they were both, and in equal degrees, 
motive powers of the new regime. How they worked 
together I have shown in the chapter on '*The Great 
Change." Shintoism moved with the Fw^^o current. Many 
who were originally Shinto priests or adherents, being 
possessed of knowledge^and ability, occupied high positions 
of State. Their notions acquired corresponding ascendency 
over Buddhism. In their eyes, Buddhism was, after all, of 
foreign origin. It formed no part of the purest ancient in- 
stitutions of the Imperial regime. Hence, Buddhism came 
to be somewhat despised. Princes and nobles who had 
held high religious positions under it returned to their lay- 
manship. Government allowances were stopped, and, 
many more heavy blows having fallen upon it, much of 
its power was lost. It was then that " Dual Shintoism " 
was abolished, and a distinct separation between Shintoism 

200 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN _ 

and Buddhism was enforced in all things. It was then, 
too, that there arose many families which entirely severed 
their connexion with Buddhism, and came to use Shinto 
rites in their funerals and memorial services of the dead. 
The tide, however, ceased long ago to ebb, and, in its re- 
flux, matters have in this respect returned to pretty much 
the same position as in the olden days, except that Budd- 
hism has not recovered all its former vigour, and that many 
funerals are now performed according to the Shinto rites, 
though the number of these is exceedingly small in com- 
parison with the whole population. 

So far I have spoken of Shintoism as though it were a 
compact creed ; but now I have to describe it a little further 
in detail. I said above that it was not regarded in former 
days in the light of a religion. It was a national institu- 
tion of unique form, having sprung up from traditions 
of time immemorial. It had no founder, no propagator, 
except that many books were written upon it in the 
way of commentary by eminent scholars, in compara- 
tively recent periods of the Tokugawa regime. It was 
only about two decades ago that the idea of attributing 
to it a religious character struck some interested 
people as having been necessitated by the tendencies of 
the age. Shintoism, however, is not even now regarded 
wholly as a religion ; only part of it is esteemed a religion. 
This is a fine distinction, almost unintelligible, perhaps, 
to outsiders ; but it is nevertheless true. The communal 
temples, as well as all the larger and higher temples, with 
their priests, are regarded quite apart from religion as the 
term is employed in the Occident. They still constitute a 
national institution, of a character that is unique. But 
there are many voluntary congregations which are called 
Kiokwai, i.e. teaching associations (not to be confounded 
with the communal congregations referred to in a preceding 
page) ; and these congregations have their ministers, to 
whom the title of preachers (kioshi) is given. Such a con- 
gregation generally has a connexion with some large popu- 
lar temple, but is not directly concerned therein. These 
congregations form that part of Shintoism which is to be 
regarded as a religion. The expounding of the creed, or 
the performance of funeral rites, is undertaken by the priests 
belonging to the congregations ; though in the lowest grade 

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THE RISEN SUN 

of temples the priests attached thereto are permitted, as 
a temporary measure, to act in both capacities. I might 
perhaps hken the difference to that which exists between 
a corps of troops with its staff officers, and a club of officers 
with its secretaries, the former being the temple with its 
ministers, and the latter being the congregation with its 
preachers ; the one being more official in character and the 
other more voluntary. But observe ; even those who belong to 
one or other of these congregations are also mostly Buddhists 
at the same time. There is no State religion in its ordinary 
Western sense ; but, as far as the public Shinto temples 
and their priests (non-religious part) are concerned, their 
proper superintendence and control form, in a great 
measure, part of the business of State — in fact, all such 
priests are commissioned by the State, those in the more 
important posts by the central authorities, and the others 
by provincial authorities. In the case of Ise, more especial 
attentions are paid by the State. The whole nation is 
quite satisfied with these matters as they stand ; and he 
would be a very bold person who, in Japan, would venture 
to find fault openly with this arrangement. 

I may parenthetically remark here, that the term " priests,'* 
when applied to Shinto ministers, is not quite in accord with 
our ideas and feelings, though it is rather difficult to convey 
to Western minds why it is so. I have, however, applied 
the same term to both Buddhist and Shinto ministers, for 
fear of confusing the threads of my statement were I to 
employ more distinctive terms — though the separation is 
to the Japanese mind very clearly marked. 

Let me here add a brief sketch of Japanese Buddhism as 
generally reflected in the minds of the common people. Budd- 
hism is a religion capable of philosophical interpretations, 
or, rather, founded upon philosophy ; and there are many 
sects of it in Japan, each drawing fine distinctions in relation 
to its creed. But are these philosophical phases or finei dis- 
tinctions of each creed conveyed to the minds of, let us say, 
aged rustics or children ? I must answer No ! In the 
Buddhism as reflected to them, there is an eternal soul in 
every individual. There are paradise and hell. There 
is a future life for every individual. All this is much in ac- 
cord which the religions of the Occident. Jigoku goku- 
raku are hell and paradise. When we speak of them con- 

202 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN 

jointly we always say jigoku first, perhaps because it is 
more euphonic, as we interpose no conjunction between 
two terms in such cases. Jigoku literally means " dungeons 
in earth." It suggests the idea of its being down below. The 
literal meaning of gokuraku is " the supreme pleasure," 
and is an abbreviation of gokurakujodo, meaning " the pure 
land of supreme pleasure." There is a very common phrase ; 
Ojo anrakkoku, meaning : "Go and be born in the easy, 
pleasant country " — in other words, be born in heaven. 
Ojo ("go and be born ") alone, is an abbreviation very 
commonly used in ordinary parlance to convey the same 
sense. Here is another : Saiho Mida no jo do, i.e. " The 
pure land in the west where Amitabha dwells." There is 
a popular saying : Gosho wo negoo, which means : " Pray 
for the after-life," and another : Gosho daijint, meaning : 
" In such a way as though the after-life is everything," 
used in connexion with some action which one undertakes 
most seriously. Gosho (" after-life ") is a common Buddhistic 
phrase. 

All these expressions indicate that there is an elysium, 
and that it is somewhere in the Western sky ; also that 
there is an inferno, and that we may go or be born some- 
where in those places after our death. But what part of us 
does do so ? Surely not our physical part ! Philosophy 
explains the doctrines of transmigration by the theory of 
Karma, basing its manifestations on" cause " and " effect." 
It admits some difference existing between the theories of the 
" greater vehicle " and the " lesser vehicle " ; and it alludes, 
by way of explanation, to all sorts of intricate propositions, 
such as " being and non-being," " finite and infinite," "rela- 
tive and absolute," and so forth. It does not, on the other 
hand, speak about the immortality of the soul ; the reason 
of this being that, from the point of view of imperishability, 
the physical parts of a " being " are no less immortal than 
the soul, inasmuch as they never descend to complete anni- 
hilation ; but, from the point of view of perishability, the 
soul of a " being " is no less mortal than the physical parts 
of it, inasmuch as the " the new existence " of a soul some- 
where else is not the same existence that it had been before. 
No such philosophy, however, is intelligible to the minds of the 
common folk. If we can go anywhere at all after our death, 
it must be our spirit that migrates, i.e. the soul. The common 

203 



THE RISEN SUN 

folks have no ear for the philosophical interpretation of the 
" after-life," in the philosophilcal sense of the Karmatic 
theory. When the theory of " cause and effect " is taught 
the common folk generally understand it as implying that, 
*' cause and effect " mean the process precipitating the sal- 
vation or non-salvation of the soul ; it is the shortest 
way to understand. These are the only popular and com- 
mon-sense interpretations. The popular Buddhistic notion 
of one's future life in the halcyon fields up above is most 
commonly represented as sitting and enjoying one's self 
on a lotus flower in the heavenly lake. The only picture 
one can form in the imagination of such enjoyment would 
be eternal existence in a concrete form — a human form, in 
fact — minus the mortal part which one possesses in the 
present existence ; and thus it could not be, in popular 
imagination, anything other than an existence appertaining 
to the soul. Moreover, in the pictures of purgatory which 
are periodically exhibited in many Buddhist temples, the 
sufferers are represented as still possessing human shapes. 
Philosophy tells us that Nirvana is the last stage, and is 
merely an abnegation of self, implying therein much philo- 
sophical meaning ; but in the picture which is called the 
Nirvana of Shaky amuni, and which is also exhibited in many 
Buddhist temples on the anniversary of the great sage, com- 
mon folks can only see him lying on his death-bed, and can 
only imagine his spirit ascending to the best place in heaven. 
Such are the illustrations of a future life of Buddhism as 
reflected in the popular mind. These impressions are not, 
however, drawn from their own imagination only, but are 
in fact to be derived from the representations of their 
preachers, for whom the more abstruse philosophy would 
fail to answer their purposes, even were it to be propounded, 
inasmuch as it would leave no more impression on the 
popular imagination, than would a professor reciting the early 
Greek philosophy on the idea of ever-recurring permutation 
or ever-identical sameness of all things in the universe. 
As a matter of fact, in Japan, the newer the creed the less 
philosophical is the dogma. 

Shintoism also has some notions of the future world ; 
but they are vague, and certainly not so picturesque as those 
of Buddhism. It firmly believes in the immortality of the 
soul, but it puts more stress on temporal affairs than spiritual 

204 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN 

ones. In the philosophical conclusions reached by some 
Shintoists with regard to the soul, it seems to be regarded as 
a manifestation of a particle of that great spirit which 
pervades the universe — shall I say a sort of Pantheism, 
in this respect ? — and that, after one's death, it returns to 
or becomes amalgamated with, as it were, the original 
essence, capable, nevertheless, of still being individualized, 
so far as it is concerned with the faith of those who venerate 
the reminiscences of its former mundane possessor, whilst cer- 
tain chastisements are meted out hereafter to the soul which 
is not free from pollution on account of crooked conduct in 
this world. As to the people at large, however, they assign 
the domain of the future to Buddhism as explained before ; 
and in their minds, if there were a future world at all, there 
could not be several such, existing separately for different 
creeds, so it would not matter under what name or by which 
route they travelled thither. 

With regard to the ethical side of Buddhism, jihininniku 
(" compassion and forbearance ") seem to constitute its prin- 
cipal component part. For general guidance the following 
maxims are laid down : — 

Do not do anything that is bad ; 

Do all that is good ; 

Cleanse thine own heart ; 

This is the teaching of all Buddhas. 
But then this is only an abstract idea. For the convenience 
of teaching, goodness and badness are divided into two 
kinds, spiritual and temporal. But as to the practical ethics, 
which are the same thing as the exposition of the temporal 
goodness and badness just referred to, Buddhism can 
endure no comparison with Confucianism, in the point of sys- 
tematic exposition ; so, on this point, Japanese Buddhism 
freely calls Confucianism to its aid and that, too, in the manner 
interpreted by Bushido ; and even the spirit of Shintoism 
is silently utilized in the same way. It goes without saying, 
as may be gathered from what I have said in the preceding 
pages, that Shintoism also makes free use of Confucianism in 
the same respect as does Japannese Buddhism, though of 
course it is Confucianism in its Japanified form. 

I may mention here that, apart from religious teachings, 
the Confucian system of ethics was spread in many ways in 
former days among the people at large in popularized forms, 

205 



THE RISEN SUN 

though in recent years the system of moral teaching has 
been placed on a much firmer and wider basis, through the 
institution of universal education. 

But now suppose the question were put to the Japanese 
educated classes in general with regard to a religion : " Do 
you believe ? " It would be rather difficult to get a satis- 
factory answer. They are mostly imbued with the influence 
of Bushido (a term now so well known) which, on its broad 
lines, is by no means confined to the Samurai class alone, 
supported silently by the doctrine of a clean conscience 
of Shintoism, and of an elevated culture of practical 
ethics of Confucianism. They consider that " he who 
does what is good for its own sake, and not for fear of 
anything exterior," is the most courageous man ; and 
to be courageous is the most important feature of Bushido. 
The probability is that, were a Japanese gentleman a 
devout adherent of any particular form of religion, he 
would rather conceal it than make a display of it. And yet 
they are most tolerant to all religions. Many a painter has 
painted the world-renowned Fuji-yama from all sides ; 
but the main feature is always alike, whatever may be the 
foreground the painter may have chosen. So, too, to 
thoughtful people in Japan, the essence of all religions, taken 
in the abstract, appears to be pretty much the same — at least, 
it would generally seem to be so regarded ; and they do not 
trouble themselves much with outward forms. And, there- 
fore, if a countryman of mine were to chance, for instance, 
to be present at the funeral of a dead friend, where the rites 
performed were not those of the religion to which he might 
belong, he would still go through the requisite formality 
incumbent on a mourner all the same, just as do those who 
belong to that religion ; for here his first thought would be 
to pay a last tribute to the memory of his dead friend, 
and he would not consider himself as being a humbug, 
or as doing something against his own conscience, in view 
of the fact that the ceremony could, after all, be regarded as 
no more than a mere form of testifying his sincerity, and 
it would be, he would consider, a matter of bad taste if he 
were openly to differ from others present on such a solemn 
occasion. 

By way of summing up this chapter, I may perhaps offer 
one general observation. Shintoism is essentially a creed 

206 



THE RELIGIONS OF JAPAN 

founded upon reverence of ancestors, conjointly with a love 
of the " fatherland," and likewise of the exalted personage 
who mirrors the best traditions of our common ancestors 
and exercises the wisest control over our land ; hence loyalty 
and patriotism are the most important features of the creed, 
as regards its outward manifestations. All foreign creeds, 
be they Confucianism or Buddhism, when once transplanted 
to the soil of Japan, become gradually imbued with the 
spirit which animates Shintoism. Thus, Confucianism in 
Japan is not the Confucianism of China. The great Chinese 
teaching, with all its wealth of fine maxims and sayings, is 
made full use of ; but it is Japanified. In Japan it has been re- 
vivified, as it were, and breathes a new atmosphere, wherein 
it is strengthened and purified, until it is nationalized and 
becomes identified with all our notions of loyalty and 
patriotism, to the degree that it seems almost to assume con- 
crete form. The case is the same with regard to Buddhism. 
It is no longer the Buddhism of China, still less that of India. 
It is Japanified. It is imbued with a spirit similar to that 
infused into Confucianism ; though perhaps there may be 
a little difference in degree, owing to the very fact that 
Buddhism is a religion, whereas Confucianism is not. The 
processes by which these metamorphoses have been brought 
about should constitute, it seems to me, a matter worthy 
of inquiry and analysis, and should by no means be allowed 
to escape the attention of those who take an interest in things 
Japanese. 



207 



CHAPTER XI 



ARTS AND LETTERS^ 



I AM often told by the Europeans I meet how amazing 
it is that Japan should have made such rapid progress 
in so short a time as thirty or forty years since her adoption 
of. European civilization. Some even go as far as to say 
that it is all the more amazing inasmuch as Japan must have 
been in a state of semi-barbarism before that time. They 
say this with no other wish than that of emphasizing their 
appreciation of the reality and the rapidity of our recent 
progress. Of course we recognize our great indebtedness 
to the Western nations, and we frankly avow that our 
present forward movement along the path of civilization 
is mainly based upon the European methods of thought 
and reasoning. But at the same time it is desirable 
to point out how inconceivable and impossible a great and 
successful transformation of this kind would be, unless 
the nation that attempted it had solid antecedents and a 
sound basis of ancient discipline and culture to work upon. 
Japan has had thoughts and feelings of her own for many 
centuries ; and without some acute perception of that mind 
and sentiment it would seem almost impossible to understand 
what Japan is. Hence the amazement to which I have 
referred. But that amazement will diminish its extension 
as the knowledge of the mind and ideals of Japan increases. 
The heart and brain of a nation are chiefly manifested and 
are conspicuously traceable in the objects of art and liter- 
ature which it produces. Now I ask your attention in this 
chapter for some of Japan's products in this sphere. 

^ Japan by the Japanese. 
208 



ARTS AND LETTERS 



The subject of Japanese art is so wide and complicated 
that it is a matter of absolute impossibility to deal with it 
in a short chapter or so. In what I am going to say, there- 
fore, I would merely endeavour to delineate the general out- 
line of the history of our arts and our notions about them. 

The Nara period, which corresponds to the eighth century, 
was one of the great, if notthe greatest, epochsof Japanese Art. 
Nara was our Imperial capital in the days before the primacy 
of Kioto ; the remnants of the art of this period, including 
many fine productions of previous centuries, are to be seen 
to this day mostly in the prefecture of Nara. The highest 
excellence of the arts attained at this period is to be found 
in the images, both in bronze and wood, and also in the 
dried lacquers ; the pictorial art was also excellent, and is 
seen at its best side by side with architectural design. There 
are many Buddhistic temples of olden time now remain- 
ing, and many images of bronze or wood, apart from those 
in the Imperial Museum, are to be seen standing in such 
temples. Nara and its suburban districts make up a 
locality which is one of exceptional interest to foreign 
visitors. 

I would not for a moment dare to place the art pro- 
ducts of Japan of this period on a level with those of the 
Greeks, but it is most flattering to us that wherever our 
sculpture of this era is spoken of by foreigners some 
references are made to the plastic art of the Greeks, and 
some kinds of comparison are made so as to draw a very 
close resemblance between them. Dr. Anderson, speaking 
of this period in his Pictorial Arts of Japan, sums it up 
thus : — 

Whatever be the credibiUty of the majority of the early records, 
it is certain that the level reached by the Japanese in the sculpture 
of metals, upwards of a thousand years ago, was remarkably high, and 
many of the products of this period of art culture demonstrate a 
breadth of conception and a courage of effort that could only emanate 
from an intellectual and energetic race ; but unfortunately the sub- 
sequent errors have contributed little to increase the fame won by 
the authorship of the great bronzes that adorned the ancient capital 
of Nara. 

This colossal bronze Buddha of Nara is well worth 

20Q p 



THE RISEN SUN 

seeing by any connoisseur. It is true that its head is 
not good; it is a comparatively new head, affixed has- 
tily and by not very competent workmen to replace 
an ancient one lost by fire caused by war ; but from the 
artistic ensemble it is assumed by competent native ex- 
perts that the head must have been equally good, if not 
even more excellent than that of the great Buddha of Ka- 
makura, which was a product of the latter part of the 
twelfth century. As to this latter big Buddha, all connois- 
seurs of the West agree in placing it in a very high position 
among the art treasures of the world. I may here only 
give an extract from The Ornamental Art of Japan, quoted 
from a French expert, who winds up thus : — 

A people who could thus embody the most illusive of meta- 
physical mysteries must have had an exceedingly lofty conception 
of the capacities of art." 

After Nara we come to the Heian period. Heian is the 
same place as the modern Kioto. From after the Nara 
period down to the beginning of the present Imperial regime 
it remained the Imperial capital for eleven centuries ; but 
what we speak of as the Heian period is generally taken to 
include the first four of these centuries only. Art flourished, 
together with general culture, to a very high degree in these 
centuries, but somewhat in a different way from that of the 
Nara epoch. In the Nara period we have seen that the 
arts achieved a very high standard, but such art was al- 
ways subordinated and made subservient to religion. Art 
does not seem to have played its part independently as 
such, hence the individuality of an artist did not achieve 
a fully distinctive mark. If a picture was painted it was 
generally a religious subject, and it was used for religious 
objects, not as a product of an artist for the sake of as- 
sociating his name with it and admiring his representation 
of the subject as a picture. But in the Heian period 
things seem to have changed to a significant degree, especi- 
ally in pictorial art, which came to be admired as such, 
while individuality in artists became more and more 
marked in public estimation. It was then that artists such 
as Kanaoka and Nobuzane appeared. Pictures founded 
upon scenes in narratives or actual landscape came to be 
generally appreciated. On the whole, the arts of the 

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ARTS AND LETTERS 

Heian period seem to have become more extensive and 
less profound. To show in what sort of relationship 
pictorial art and society stood towards each other, 
there is a very good illustration in the famous Genji 
Monogatari contained in a chapter under the title of " Ye- 
awase," which means " pairings of pictures." At that 
period there was a very common practice of so-called " uta- 
awase," which means " pairings of poems." It was done 
in this way. Ladies and gentlemen who were versed in 
composing poems were told off to meet at an appointed place 
at an appointed time, when successive competitions would 
be held by pairs formed by one on the left and one on the 
right, each fproducing his or her poem and submitting it 
to the umpire, who would judge which of them was the 
better, and when one pair was finished the next pair con- 
tinued the contest, and so on. The pairing of the pictures 
was no doubt conceived in imitation of the pairing of 
poems. The pairing of pictures seems to be rather quaint 
in its conception, but it will give us a very good idea of the 
society of the time. I give below a full quotation of the 
passage describing it from my own translation of the 
Genji Monogatari : — 

The Emperor was very fond of pictures, and painted with con- 
siderable abiHty. Lady Plum, too, as it happened, possessed the 
same taste as the Emperor, and used often to amuse herself by 
painting. If, therefore, he liked ordinary courtiers who exhibited 
a taste for painting, it was no matter of surprise that he liked to see 
the delicate hands of the lady occupied in carefully laying on colours. 
This similarity of taste gradually drew his attention to her, and 
led to frequent visits to the " Plum-chamber." When Gon-Chiunagon 
was informed of these circumstances, he took the matter into his own 
hands. He himself determined to excite a spirit of rivalry. He 
contrived means to counteract the influence of painting, and commis- 
sioned several famous artists of the time to execute some elaborate 
pictures. Most of these were subjects taken from old romances, as 
he conceived that these were always more attractive than mere 
fanciful pictures. He also caused to be painted a representation 
of every month in the year, which would be likely, he thought, 
to interest the Emperor. When these pictures were finished he took 
them to Court, and submitted them to the Emperor's inspection ; 
but he would not agree that he should take any of them to the Plum- 
chamber ; and they were all deposited in the chamber of his daughter. 

Genji, when he heard of this, said of his brother-in-law, "He is 
young ; he never could be behind others." He was, however, unable 
to pass the matter over unnoticed." He told the Emperor that he 
would present him with some old pictures, and returning to his 

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THE RISEN SUN 

mansion at Nijio he opened his picture cabinet, where numbers of 
old and new pictures were kept. From these, with the assistance of 
Violet, he made a selection of the best. But such pictures as illus- 
tration of the " long regrets," or representation of *'0-Shio-Kun,' ' were 
reserved, because the terminations of these stories were not happy 
ones. He also took out of his cabinet the sketches which he had 
made while in Suma and Akashi, and showed them for the first time 
to Violet, who was a little angry at his not having shown them to her 
sooner. 

It was about the tenth of February, and the face of nature began 
to smile at the approach of spring, making the hearts and tempers of 
people more calm and cheerful ; besides, it was just the time when 
the Court was unoccupied with the keeping of any festival. There 
could be no better opportunity than this for such an exhibition of 
pictures to attract the attention of people enjoying leisure. Genji, 
therefore, sent his collection of pictures to the palace in behalf of 
the lady of the Plum-chamber. 

This soon created a sensation in the palace. Most of the pictures 
that were in the possession of the lady of the Plum-chamber were from 
old romances, and the pictures themselves were of ancient date, 
being rare, while those of Kokiden were more modern subjects and 
by living artists. Thus each of them had their special merits, so 
that it became difficult to say which were the more excellent. Talk- 
ing of these pictures became quite a fashionable(subject of conversa- 
tion of the courtiers of the day. The Imperial mother happened to 
be at Court, and when she saw these pictures and heard different per- 
sons at Court discussing their relative merits, she suggested that 
they should divide themselves into two parties, right and left, and 
regularly to give their judgment. This was accordingly done. Hei 
Naishi-no-suke, Jijiu-no-Naishi and Shioshio-no-Meifu took the left, 
on the side of the lady of the Plum-chamber ; while Daini-no- 
Naishi-no-suke, Chiujio-no-Meifu, and Hioye-no-Meif u took the right, 
on the side of the Kokiden. 

The first picture selected was the illustration of the " Bamboo 
Hewer," by the left, as it was the most appropriate to come 
first for the discussion of its merits, as being the parent of 
romance. To compete with this that of ''Toshikage, " from 
"The Hollow Wood," was selected by the right. The left now 
stated their case, saying " The Bamboo — indeed, its story, too 
— may be an old and commonly known thing, but the maiden 
Kakuya, in keeping her purity unsullied in this world, is highly admir- 
able ; besides, it was an occurrence that belongs to a pre-historical 
period. No ordinary woman would ever be equal to her, and so this 
picture has an excellence." Thereupon the right argued in opposition 
to this, saying, " The sky, where the maiden Kakuya has gone up, 
may indeed be high ; but it is beyond human reach, so we may put 
it aside. When she made her appearance in this world she was, after 
all, a creature of bamboo ; and, indeed, we may consider her even 
lower than ourselves. It may also be true that she threw a bright 
radiance over the inside of a cottage, but she never shone in the 
august society of a palace. Abe-no-oshi's spending millions of money 

212 



ARTS AND LETTERS 

in order to get the so-called fire-proof rat, which, when obtained, 
was consumed in the flames in a moment, is simply ridiculous. 
Prince Kuramochi's pretended jewel branch was simply a delusion. 
Besides, this picture is by Koshe-no-omi, with notes by Tsurayuki. 
They are not very uncommon. The paper is Kamiya, only covered 
with Chinese satin. The outer cover is reddish purple, and the centre 
stick is purple Ajedarah. These are very common ornaments. 
Now Toshikage, though he had undergone a severe trial from the 
raging storm, and had been carried to a strange country, arrived at 
length at the country to which he was originally dispatched, and 
from there returned to his native land, having achieved his object, 
and having made his ability recognized both at home and abroad. 
This pictiire is the life of that man, and it represents many scenes, 
not only of his country but of foreign ones, which cannot fail to be 
interesting. We therefore dare to place this one above the other 
in merit. 

The ground of this picture was thick white tinted paper, the outer 
cover was green, and the centre stick jade. The picture was by 
Tsunenori, and the writing by Michikaje. It was in the highest 
possible taste of the period. 

The left made no more protestation against the right. 

" Next, the romance of Ishe by the left, and that of Shio Sammi 
by the right, were brought into competition. Here again the relative 
merit was very difficult to be decided at once. That of the right had 
apparently more charms than that of the other, since it beautifully 
represented the society of a more recent period. 

Hei-naishi, of the left, therefore said : — 

"If leaving the depths of Ishe's night-sea, 

We follow the fancies of new-fashioned dreams. 
All the beauty and skill of the ancients will be 

Swept away by the current of art's modern streams. 

Who would run down the fame of Narihira for the sake of the 
pretentious humbug of our own days ?" 

Then Daini-no-Naishi-no-suke, of the right, replied : — 

"The noble mind that soars on high. 
Beyond the star-bespangled sky ; 
Looks down with ease on depths that lie 
A thousand fathoms 'neath his eye." 

Upon this the Empress Mother interceded. She said that 
the exalted nobility of Lord Hioye may not, indeed, be passed over 
without notice, yet the name of Narihira could not altogether be 
eclipsed by his. 

Though too well known to all may be 
The lovely shore of Ishe's sea ; 

Its aged fisher's honoured name, 
A tribute of respect may claim. 
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THE RISEN SUN 

There were several more rolls to be exhibited, and the rival 
protestations on both sides became very warm, so that one roll 
occasioned considerable discussion. 

While this was going on Genji arrived on the scene. He sug- 
gested to them that if there was any competition at all it should 
be decided on a specially appointed day, in a more solemn manner, 
in the presence of the Emperor. This suggestion having been 
adopted, the discussion came to an end. 

The day for this purpose was fixed. The ex-Emperor, who 
had been informed of this, presented several pictures to the lady 
of the Plum-chamber. They were mostly illustrations of Court 
festivals, on which there were explanatory remarks written by the 
Emperor Yengi. Besides these, there was one which had been 
expressly executed at his own order by Kimmochi. This was an 
illustration of the ceremony which took place at his palace on the 
departure of the lady for Ishe, some time back, when she had gone 
there as the Saigu. It was also probable that some of his pictures 
came into the possession of her rival, the Lady Kokiden, through 
his mother (as the mother of the former was a sister of the latter). 

When the day arrived every arrangement was made in the 
large saloon at the rear of the palace, where the Imperial seat was 
placed at the top. The Court ladies of both parties — those of the 
lady of the Plum-chamber, and those of the lady of Kokiden — were 
ranged respectively left and right, the left, or those of the lady of 
the Plum-chamber, facing southwards, and those of the right, north- 
wards. All the courtiers also took the places allotted to them. 
Here the pictures were brought. The box, containing those of the 
left, was of purple Azedurah, The stand on which the box was 
placed was of saffron, and over this was thrown a cover of Chinese 
brocade with a mauve ground. The seat underneath was of Chinese 
coloured silk. Six young girls brought all this in, and arranged 
it all in order. Their kazami (outer dress) was of red and cherry 
colour, with tunics of wistaria lining (light purple outside, and 
light green within). 

The box which contained the pictures of the right was of " Jin " 
wood, the stand of light coloured " Jin," the cover of Corean silk 
with a green ground. The legs of the stand, which were trellised 
round with a silken cord, showed modern and artistic taste. The 
kazami of the young girls was of willow lining (white outside and 
green within), and their tunics were of Kerria japonica lining (or 
yellow outside and light red within). Both Genji and Gon-Chiu- 
nagon were present, by the Emperor's special invitation, as also 
the Prince Lord-Lieutenant of Chickshi, who loved pictures above 
all things, and he was consequently chosen umpire for this day's 
competition. Many of the pictures were highly admirable, and 
it was most difficult to make any preference between them. For 
instance, if there was produced by one party a roll of "The Season," 
which was the masterpiece of some old master, on selected subjects, 
there was produced also, by the other party, a roll of sketches on 
paper, which were scarcely inferior to, and more ornamented with 
flourishing than, the ancient works, in spite of the necessary limita- 

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tion of space which generally makes the wide expanse of scenery 
almost too difficult to express. Thus the disputes on both sides 
were very warm 

Meanwhile the Imperial Mother (the Princess Wistaria) also 
came into the saloon, pushing aside the sliding screen of the break- 
fast chamber. The criticisms still continued, in which Genji made, 
now and then, suggestive remarks. Before all was finished the shades 
of evening began to fall on them. There remained, on the right, 
one more roll, when the roll of Suma was produced on the left. 
It made Gon-Chiunagon slightly embarrassed. The last roll of 
the right was, of course, a selected one, but it had several disad- 
vantages in comparison with that of "Suma." The sketches on 
this roll — illustrations of different bays and shores — had been 
done by Genji with great pains and much expenditure of time. 
They were most skilfully executed, and carried away the minds 
of the spectators to the actual spots. On them illustrative re- 
marks were written sometimes in the shape of a diary, occasionally 
mingled with poetical effusions in style both grave and easy. These 
made a great impression on the Emperor, and on every one present ; 
and finally, owing to this roll, the left was decided to have won 
the victory. 

In the famous Makura-no-soshi we see the following, as 
quoted by Mr. Aston : — 

On the sliding doors of the northern front of the Mikado's 
private apartments there are painted fearful pictures of creatures 
that live in the wild ocean, some with long arms, others with long 
legs. When the doors of the ante-chamber are open we can always 
see them. 

This will show that pictorial art was made use of for the 
chamber decorations. The notions as to what a picture 
should be that were entertained by the gentry of this epoch 
are well illustrated by the following extract from the Genji 
Monogatari. It is contained in a chapter where different 
kinds of female characters are discussed, and therefore it 
is only discussed incidentally, but it will give a fair idea, 
and so I give the extract in full ; — 

Again, therefore, he took up the conversation, and said, " Call 
to your mind affairs in general,-and judge of them. Is it not always 
true that reality and sincerity are to be preferred to merely artificial 
excellence ? Artisans, for instance, make different sorts of articles, 
as their talents serve them. Some of them are keen and expert, 
and cleverly manufacture objects of temporary fashion, which 
have no fixed or traditional style, and which are only intended to 
strike the momentary fancy. These, however, are not the true 
artisans. The real excellence of the true artisan is tested by those 
who make, without defects or sensational peculiarities, articles to 

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THE RISEN SUN 

decorate, we will say, some particular building, in conformity with 
correct taste and high aesthetic principles. Look for another in- 
stance at the eminence which has been attained by several of the 
artists of the Imperial College of Painting. Take the case of 
draughtsmen in black ink. Pictures, indeed, such as those of 
Mount Horai, which has never been beheld by mortal eye, or of 
some raging monstrous fish in a rough sea, or of some wild animal 
of some far-off country, or of the im.aginary face of the demon, are 
often drawn with such striking vividness that people are startled 
at the sight of them. These pictures, however, are neither real 
nor true. On the other hand, ordinary scenery of familiar moun- 
tains, of calm streams of water, and of dwellings just before our 
eyes, may be sketched with an irregularity so charming, and with 
such excellent skill, as almost to rival Nature. In pictures such as 
these, the perspective of gentle mountain slopes, and sequestered 
nooks surrounded by leafy trees, are drawn with such admirable 
fidelity to Nature that they carry the spectator in imagination to 
something beyond them. These are the pictures in which is mostly 
evinced the spirit and effectiveness of the superior hand of a master ; 
and in these an inferior artist would only show dulness and in- 
efficiency. 

" Similar observations are applicable to handwriting. Some 
people boldly dash away with great freedom and endless flourishes, 
and appear to the first glance to be elegant and skilful. But that 
which is written with scrupulous neatness, in accordance with the 
true rules of penmanship, constitutes a very different handwriting 
from the above. If perchance the upstrokes and downstrokes do 
not, at first sight, appear to be fully formed, yet when we take it 
up and critically compare it with writing in which dashes and 
flourishes predominate, we shall at once see how much more of 
real and sterling merit it possesses. 

" Such, then, is the nature of the case in painting, in penmanship, 
and in the arts generally. And how much more then are those 
women undeserving of our admiration, who, though they are rich 
in outward and in fashionable display, attempting to dazzle our 
eyes, are yet lacking in the solid foundations of reality, fidelity 
and truth. Do not, my friends, consider me going too far, but let 
me proceed to illustrate these observations by my own experience." 

It must not, however, be understood that art in religious 
subjects had disappeared ; on the contrary, there are many 
pictures of this kind, produced at this epoch, still in existence 
in many temples, and most of them are of highest merit. 
From the latter part of the twelfth century Kioto had lost 
its importance, because from that time the actual ruling 
power of the country had left the hands of the Imperial 
Government and been transfered to the Shogunate Govern- 
ment. From this time down to about the middle of 
the fourteenth century Kamakura became the seat of the 

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Shogun Government. This interval was called the Kama- 
kura period ; there were many conditions in this period 
which were adverse to any progress in the field of art : you 
may even say it sowed some decadence, and yet there were 
many beautiful productions, both graphic and glyptic. The 
Diabutsu, or bronze Buddha, of Kamakura, referred to 
above, was itself a product of the earliest part of the 
thirteenth century. It is such a masterpiece of its kind 
that it will go a good way towards showing what artistic 
workmanship existed at that time in Japan. 

I may interpose just a few words here. Development 
in the arts was not necessarily limited to Kioto only ; previ- 
ous to the Kamakura period there existed a centre of refine- 
ment in the northern part of Japan, namely, in the province 
of Osiu. There, a great feudal lord had established the seat 
of his Government, which was in several repects constructed 
in imitation of Kioto, and from what remains there to this day 
in the way of objects of art we can judge very well in what 
a flourishing state that feudal capital must have been 
before it was crushed by the invading forces of Yoritomo 
the first Shogun. 

After the Kamakura period the Ashikaga period ensues 
and lasts for about two and a half centuries. During this 
time the chief seat of the Shogun Governments was in 
Kioto, side by side with the Imperial court, though there 
was also a kind of branch Shogunate in Kamakura. In 
the early part of this period the country was not yet ripe 
for general progress in art, but from the beginning of the 
fifteenth century most of the Shogun of the period 
showed a strong leaning towards the patronage of artistic 
talent, especially in pictures, many of them being artists 
of no mean ability themselves. It was then that Japan 
produced many eminent artists, such as Cho-densu, Siubun, 
Sessiu, Siugetsu, Sotan, Masanobu, Motonobu, Sesson, and 
many others, whose masterpieces we are proud to show to 
other nations to day, and whose names are immortal in 
our annals. Their styles indeed are not identical, but, 
taken as a whole, they were akin to one another, and 
differed from their predecessors to a very conspicuous ex- 
tent. It was founded more upon the best artistic ideals 
formed among the Thang and Sung dynasties of China. They 
had no rivals among the contemporary Chinese artists. 

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THE RISEN SUN 

It is said that when Sessiu went to China to study the 
arts, he lamented that there was no master to study with. 
The arts of the Nara period and the early part of the 
Heian period were distingushed by an excellent sobriety in 
regard to religious feeling ; they were the very embodiment 
of the period. The traditions of such a school could never 
be resuscitated again, any more than those of Raphael and 
Angelo can be revived in Europe. For the same reason 
Siubun and Sessiu could not follow exactly in the footsteps 
of their predecessors of those early periods to which we have 
referred ; but in their own way they stood very high, and 
the kinds of pictures they produced are those which are most 
admired and appreciated by the native Japanese of later 
years, inasmuch as they embrace high conceptions in their 
productions independently of any direct subserviency to 
religion. 

At the end of the Ashikaga period, and before the 
Tokugawa period, is interposed the short Oda-Toyotomi 
period. Shortly before this period the country was in a 
state of turmoil caused by the internal dissensions of dif- 
ferent chieftains, who were eventually pacified by the 
efforts of Oda, while the feuds were finally extinguished 
by Toyotomi Hideyashi. The latter, who is known as 
Taikosama by foreigners, and spoken of as the Japanese 
Napoleon, was also a great reviver of our arts. By his 
patronage it was that Japan produced Yeitoku andSanraku, 
whose boldness of design was unsurpassed even by the 
best of Ashikaga artists. The castle of Fushimi, built 
by Taikosama, where the genius of these artists was 
engaged, and where the architectural arts were also evinced 
to a remarkably high degree, was pulled down some time 
after the death of this great hero ; but fragments of the 
internal decorations are still to be found in different places ; 
those who have seen them are in the best position to ap- 
preciate how, without degenerating into conventional de- 
corative forms, pictorial art may best be utilized for decora- 
tion. 

After the Oda-Toyotomi came in the Tokugawa era, 
which lasted over two hundred and seventy years, until 
our own time. The greater part of this period enjoyed 
perfect peace, and though hampered by the further develop- 
ment of the feudal system, the nation witnessed more 

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prosperity than at any other period, and different branches 
of art made significant progress. As is stated in the last 
sentence of Dr. Anderson's remark quoted above, the 
grandeur of the Nara period has never been revived, nor had 
we during this period any such master hands as Siubun 
or Sessiu, but, speaking generally, there is no doubt that 
all branches of art have made great progress, in dimension 
if not in depth. The lacquer works and development 
of fine coloured porcelains was no doubt the monopoly of 
this period. True it is that the lacquer works existed 
from very remote periods, and those of the Higashiyama 
period (or section of the Ashikaga period when Sessiu, 
Sotan and Motonobu flourished) were excellent, especially 
from an antique and aesthetic point of view. But the full 
extension and development of lacquer art falls into this 
epoch. As to porcelains, they commenced their most charac- 
teristic development essentially under this period, their 
growth being comparatively a matter of recent date. 
' Popular ' pictures of the Ukiyoye school and those of the 
artisan style are also entirely the new growth of this 
period. 

I must here interpose some explanations. Old styles of 
pictures, especially Kano and Tosa, had spread their in- 
fluence very widely among the gentle classes. Eminent 
painters were far from rare during this age, among whom 
we may just mention Tannu as the greatest ; but, speaking 
generally, their styles became more stiff and conventional, 
they failed to arouse popular feeling with their novelty or 
audacity, and, besides this, they were not within easy reach 
of the common street people. Hence out of the tendency 
to revolt from the hackneyed old style, as well as owing 
to the vulgar demands of common people, arose the new 
style of these Ukiyoye and ' artisan ' schools. The artists of 
these schools lacked refinement in themselves, belonging 
generally to the vulgar classes, whereas the artists of the 
older schools generally belonged to the gentle class, often 
holding the rank of Samurai, under the patronage of some 
feudal lord. Such being the case, these new schools are 
far from representing the genuine ideals of the Japanese 
cultured classes. There are, however, some individuals 
of consummate genius amongst them, Hokusai being 
the greatest ; and in their way they exhibited excellent 

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THE RISEN SUN 

points, especially in their manipulation of colours and their 
aptitude for hitting on new ideas taken from daily life. The 
credit is due to the European critics rather than to our- 
selves that their merits have been accorded a much higher 
place than formerly. It is a fact that the cultured Japanese 
never can be induced to appreciate these schools in quite 
the same degree as the Western critics do. Korin and 
his school form an entirely different category in our art. 
The pictures of this school are grotesque at first sight, and 
their merits can be discerned only by those who have the 
peculiar type of observing mind enabling them to appreciate 
the subtlety of a hidden craft. I think great credit is 
owing to the European experts who have discovered the 
merits of this school with the same eye which had been 
wont to rivet itself on the two schools of vulgar origin just 
described. 

It is superfluous here to dwell upon the different phases 
of pictorial art during this period, but I must not neglect 
to make passing allusions to the Chikudan and Bunchio 
schools, academic rather than popular in their character and 
influence. I must also mention Kokwan and Denzen, who 
introduced independently about the same time a semi- 
European fashion of pictures and copper engravings at the 
end of the eighteenth century. 

We are now in the Meiji era, which has lasted already 
thirty-eight years. The commencement of this era was 
marked by the destruction of everything old. There was a 
time when fine antique temples were pulled down, precious 
pictures of some thousand years or more were thrown into 
the dust, and good gold lacquer works were burned in order 
that the gold might be taken out of the ashes. Every- 
thing must be renovated and founded upon European 
ideas. It is sad when we look back upon it from the present 
time, but it was the inevitable outcome of the spirit of the 
time. I know several of the best artists of the day, having 
nothing to occupy them, proceeded to take lessons in 
the modes of European drawing, and they often engaged 
themselves as draughtsmen in the engineering offices of 
some public department. But things could not remain in 
such a state for long. Without sacrificing our emulation 
of things European, whether material or intellectual, we 
have found time to retrace our steps on the aesthetic side 

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and have betaken ourselves again to the art of old Japan ; this 
was also due, to a great extent, to the Western advisers and 
patrons, to whom we must express our gratitude. We 
have now succeeded to a considerable extent in reviving 
our old arts, not only in pictures and sculptures, but also 
in many branches of semi-industrial and semi-artistic 
objects. Great encouragement has of course been given 
by foreign patronage, but greater pains have likewise been 
taken by the natives, and no small encouragement is given 
by the Emperor and Empress themselves. Of course, in 
some branches the industrial arts themselves have under- 
gone transformation. At the present day, for instance, 
there is no great demand for the products of the armourer. 
The manufacture of helmets is similarly under a cloud. We 
are now in a transitory state in every branch of art ; we 
have not yet been able to speak of the grandeur of the 
Meiji era ; but, on the whole, I am of opinion that im- 
provement is perceptible in every branch, and I feel quite 
confident that if more encouragement, especially from 
abroad, be given to our artists, they will show themselves 
capable of initiating a memorable epoch. Some foreigners 
speak of some kind of deterioration of art objects ; I 
daresay there is, but if so, it must be excused on the 
ground that art conditions with us are in such a transi- 
tional state : nor can our foreign patrons themselves escape 
from participation in the responsibility. Let me explain 
this a little more fully. Lacquer work artists can make just 
as good high-class lacquer work as those of 200 years ago, 
provided that they are given time and corresponding re- 
muneration and the proper expenses for the materials. 
But the modern purchaser has no idea of such a thing. He 
endeavours to pick up curiosities at a low rate, and is suc- 
cessful when the necessities of some ancient family compel 
them to put their art treasures in the market. In all 
modern work he is apt to trace pernicious Western influence. 
However delicate the finish he expects only to give a low price. 

The reluctance of modern buyers to give commissions (as 
the old feudal lord invariably did), and their suspicion of all 
highly priced modern work, is thus tending to drive really 
superior workmanship out of the market. 

As to our pictures, I must add a few words more. The 
European oil paintings, and water colours too, are studied 

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THE RISEN SUN 

in Japan. There are many artists engaged in this direction, 
but hitherto we have not been able to produce great artists. 
It must be of our native pictures, therefore, that I shall 
speak. The style of our pictures differs from European 
oil paintings, as every one knows ; it has a greater affinity 
with that of the water colour, where painting in colours is 
concerned. The chief stress we lay upon pictures is the 
force of the brush and the effect of impression. I do not 
say that the oil painting overlooks or ignores this im- 
portant point, but there seems to exist a marked differ- 
ence in manipulation between our pictures and the oil 
paintings, for in the case of the Japanese a little failure or 
mistake will show itself more readily than in the case of the 
oil, as there is no possibility in our case of correcting any 
trifling mistake when it is once committed. Then, again, 
our aim is directed more to impression than to the minute- 
ness of depicting, so that our pictures are not generally so 
thoroughly and finely done as the oil pictures, except, indeed, 
in cases of ancient religious pictures. Hence there are great 
defects in anatomy and perspective when the subject requires 
correct drawing. The sculptures and pictures of Nara and 
Heian were advanced in the direction of anatomy to an 
admirable degree, and it is a matter of great regret that the 
later art has become more and more deficient in this 
respect. In matters of geometrical proportion, or rather 
perspective, our pictures are greatly deficient. These defects 
are of course to be remedied. It would be silly to re- 
tain such defects because they belong to our old style. 

During the past twenty-five years all sorts of art exhibi- 
tions — pictures of course being the chief form of exhibit — 
have been held in Tokio ; in provincial centres, too, exhi- 
bitions have multiplied year after year. There are also 
several associations, the object of which is connected with 
the encouragement of art in one way or another. At the 
exhibitions the merits of the objects exhibited are submit- 
ted to the judgment of the experts, and appropriate 
prizes are awarded. Such exhibitions are opened at the 
best time or season of the year, spring or autumn. They 
are organized much in the same style as those of 
Paris or London. The method of exhibition undoubtedly 
shows a material advance since the days of the 
quaint competitive " pairing " of the Heian Court referred 

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to above. The objects exhibited are generally for sale; 
they are all genuine, and their prices are affixed ; as a rule 
the prices are anything but high. In the case of pictures, 
they are quite insignificant when compared with the 
prices asked in the Western Salons. Of course our pictures, 
in the case of the native paintings, do not take so much time 
and pains as European oil paintings ; and this is the reason 
why they are not so dear. The prices vary from £i to £3 
for those by ordinary painters : there may be some that are 
even cheaper, but good enough to look at. Pictures by 
first-rate artists are dearer; but even these rarely exceed 
£15. I occupy the position of president to one of these 
associations, and I often find difficulty in giving efficient en- 
couragement to the artists from the fact of purchasers not 
being found in sufficient numbers at the exhibitions. At the 
same time the artistic tastes of our people at large, and 
consequently the demand for art objects, has wonderfully 
increased of recent years. In small towns and villages 
people who were once contented with paper-mounted or 
printed ' ukiyo ' pictures have become anxious to possess 
pictures of a much higher standard. 



II 

ON THE STYLE OF JAPANESE GARDENS ^ 

Although this may not be deemed a proper place to speak 
of the art of making gardens in Japan, I cannot refrain from 
just touching on the subject, because our art in making gar- 
dens has much similarity to that of landscape painting, and 
has much of real art in it. Even on the smallest scale a garden 
in Japan is laid out in such a way as to represent a picturesque 
view as depicted in pictures. Hence mimic hills, natural 
rocks, and, where it is permissible, miniature tarns or cas- 
cades, are designed. We can say it is based upon the prin- 
ciple of fine art ; but in the case of European gardens, it 
seems to me that the original ideas were derived from the 
old " commons," and their later developments have been 
based more upon the principle of industrial art ; to wit, 

^ The Outlook, October, 1904. 
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THE RISEN SUN 

there are fountains, but in the shape of mechanical apparatus, 
and not in the shape of natural springs ; there are hewn 
stones, iron rails, iron bridges, and, if there is any water at 
all, it is mostly in the shape of a round or square 
tank. When the Occidentals plant flowers, they make the 
beds invariably in the shape of a square, or triangle, as 
geometrically as though designing a carpet. They seem 
to have no idea of finding regularity in irregularity, or, rather, 
harmony in differentiation. In towns in Japan there are 
numerous stone shops where natural stones are sold ; but 
no such places exist in any part of Europe. Of course 
there is one drawback to our gardens, i.e., they are more 
ornamental than useful. This is a drawback which must 
be modified, and it is already being modified in many cases ; 
but, on the other hand, European gardens seem to lack 
artistic elements to altogether too great an extent. It is 
almost incomprehensible to me that, in the case of Europeans, 
who are addicted to hanging in their rooms landscape pictures, 
and who are so fond of travelling in mountainous regions, 
running after beautiful scenes and views of landscape of 
different types, it should never have entered their minds to 
apply to their gardens the same ideas. In this respect I 
can venture, without any diffidence, to say that Japan is 
above any nation in the world, and foreigners would be 
much benefited if they would begin to appreciate our style 
of gardening. I am glad to see that there are several 
Westerners in different countries who have already begun 
to do so. 

At the meeting of the British Association at Cambridge, 
in 1904, Mr. Douglas Freshfield delivered an admir- 
able lecture on " Mountains and Mankind." On the 
question of the love of mountains, Mr. Freshfield tells 
us that it is a healthy, primitive, and almost universal 
instinct. The belief that it is a taste, or some would say a 
mania, of advanced civilization is erroneous, an error arising 
from the adoption of too narrowa time-limit for investigation, 
by comparing the nineteenth century, not with the preceding 
ages, but with the eighteenth, and also from taking too nar- 
row a space-limit, hardly casting one's eyes beyond Western 
Europe. The eighteenth century, Mr. Freshfield continues, 
was an age of formality. It was the age of palladian porti- 
coes, of interminable avenues, of formal gardens and formal 

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ARTS AND LETTERS 

style in art, in literature, and in dress, Mountains, which 
were essentially romantic and Gothic, were naturally dis- 
tasteful to it. Herein lies the clue by which to trace the 
original cause why Western gardens differ so essentially 
from ours — the Japanese. The gardens of Versailles and 
St. Cloud, which were striking examples of formality, were 
made at this period, and there can be no wonder that that 
style has exercised so vast an influence on the art of garden- 
ing in Europe. 

The literature of the eighteenth century, Mr. Freshfield 
further insists, was the product of a practical common-sense 
epoch, which looked on all waste places — heath like Hind- 
head or hills like the Highlands — as blemishes in the scheme 
of the universe. Intellectual life was concentrated in 
cities and courts — it despised the country. Here, then, 
was the reason why there never occurred to the minds of 
the higher classes of the West the idea of introducing to the 
proximity of their dwellings imitations of the wild and 
rugged beauty of mountains or valleys. 

In those days, moreover, books were written by dwellers 
in towns which had not grown into large cities, and whose 
denizens therefore had not experienced the longing to 
escape from their homes into purer air that people have 
nowadays. They frankly abused even the Alps. Few 
people, if any, included in their programme of sum- 
mer enjoyments mere sight-seeing among mountains and 
valleys. Naturally enough in those days few people 
penetrated into the heart of that paradise of the world, 
Switzerland, even for scientific explorations, still less 
for pleasure trips. The Alpine Club was founded in England 
in 1857. It was only a little time prior to that date, it 
would seem, that Switzerland grew to be the resort of the 
summer tourist. The eagerness of the scenery-hunter for 
other mountain regions has also grown in a similar manner 
from comparatively recent and small beginnings, and with 
a similarly rapid progress. Most of the visitors simply go 
there for pastime, and some, though perhaps an inconsider- 
able number, go there on scientific investigation bent, with 
a leaning toward pastime. They are contented with seeing 
the places as they are, and at the most with committing 
their impressions to writing. They have not yet reached 
the stage of being moved by the idea of reproducing in 

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THE RISEN SUN 

their dwelling-houses and immediate surroundings the 
impressions they receive, or of giving to them any material 
shape. Here is, then, the cause why the modern Westerners, 
who are fond of landscape-hunting, have not been actuated 
by the same predilection in their gardening as the Far 
Easterners. It is not because they not do appreciate the 
loveliness of a landscape, but because they have not yet 
had sufficient time to get rid of the formal notions of the 
eighteenth century, and to revive adequately their natural 
and instinctive love of mountain scenery in their gardening. 
As to a fondness for mountainous regions, the Occidentals, 
especially the English, have advanced their taste in that, 
direction far beyond the Orientals, so much so, indeed, that, 
as all know, lives are annually sacrificed and ascents made 
of so adventurous a nature as to appear almost foolhardy in 
the eyes of other nations. Mr. Freshfield points out that 
the love of mountains and the desire to climb them are 
distinct tastes, and that though they are often united their 
union is accidental, not essential. With us, the Japanese, I 
may say that it is our aesthetic perception which entitles 
us to a place among the mountain-lovers, for though we 
universally revel in the sight of our peaks and ranges from 
a distance, we are but poor climbers. Mr. Freshfield, pass- 
ingly complimenting the Japanese, calling them " a race 
destined apparently to play a great part in the world's 
history," reminds us that the Japanese were from antiquity 
mountain-lovers. Fuji-Yama to the Japanese is (as is 
Ararat to the Armenians) a national symbol ; its ascent is 
constantly made by bands of pilgrims ; it is depicted in 
every aspect. This is all very true. Fuji-Yama is very 
dear to us — ^we love it. Herr Moss^ a German jurist, who 
was staying in Japan, told me more than once that there 
were innumerable beautiful things in Japan, but Fuji- 
Yama was the only one thing which he could call " sublime," 
and he adored it no less than do the Japanese. The vast 
majority of the pilgrims whom Mr. Freshfield speaks of, 
however, are climbers in the real sense of making a pilgrimage 
on account of a certain religious sentiment, Fuji-Yama 
being considered a sacred mountain, and a sort of volun- 
tary congregation being formed to proceed thither, often 
from a great distance, not from any love of the mountain 
itself, as a natural object, nor from any motive of scientific 

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investigation. By the bye, there were of old a few sacred 
places which females were forbidden to approach, and Fuji- 
yama was one of them. Lady Parkes, who climbed the 
mountain, in 1865, to the best of my memory, in company 
with her husband, Sir Harry Parkes, then British Minister 
to Japan, was the first female who ever ascended it, although 
it is noteworthy that it is consecrated by the enshrinement 
on its summit of a Shinto goddess, and also that it is addition- 
ally beautiful in the popular imagination from an association 
with the tale of the " Shining Damsel," the heroine of the 
" Bamboo Hewer," one of the oldest Japanese works of 
fiction, written in the early part of the tenth century. 

In regard to these matters, however, opinions are vastly 
changed in Japan. Many more people now climb mountains 
than in former days. It is especially so with the youths of 
the new generation. Great numbers of students may be 
met at any time during the summer vacation trotting about 
in mountainous regions for pleasure and recreation, as well 
as for scientific investigation. Although the Japanese are 
not, or at least, as I have already said, have not hitherto 
been, distinguished as ardent climbers, their taste for natural 
scenery, even among the lowest classes, is evinced in many 
ways, as all visitors to our country must have observed, 
and especially is this shown in the Japanese method of 
gardening, 

To return to the subject of European gardens, the nearest 
approach which I have seen to our Far Eastern ideals is to 
be found in the park of the Buttes Chaumont, in Paris, which 
is very little known to ordinary visitors ; nay, even to the 
French themselves. It is a garden made of an old quarry, 
and the cliffs therein formed, supplemented by some arti- 
ficial stones, have been shaped into a pleasing imitation of 
some Alpine scenery. The Central Park of New York 
affords, perhaps, another instance. I cannot say much 
about it, as the day I visited it was a very foggy one, and I 
could see but very little of anything. In the part I saw, 
however, there were several natural rocks — literally, having 
been there ab initio — suggestive of a natural wilder- 
ness in an entirely natural valley. Only the other day, 
when I was on a short visit in the North of England, I was 
taken by an acquaintance of mine the round of his vast 
gardens,. All sorts of flowers had been planted in them, 

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and bloomed on every side ; they were very beautiful, of 
course ; but when I reached a particular spot I felt inclined 
to give way to regrets, for there before me lay an old 
disused quarry, with an abundance of stones in their natural 
state, as yet unt rimmed. The spot could be turned very 
easily, if entrusted]to a Japanese gardener, and not necessarily 
a skilled one, into an ideal rock-garden, with moss-grown 
crags and tumbling cascades, suggestive of the best bits of 
rugged Alpine landscape. But, as it was, the spot was 
over-planted with all sorts of shrubs and evergreens, and 
the rocks were entirely hidden from view and wasted ! 

I remember that I once had at Tokio a casual talk on the 
subject of gardening with Sir Claude Macdonald, the British 
Minister. He observed that the reason why Western 
horticulture lacked the realistic landscape elements was 
probably that the Western designers of gardens had no 
natural scenery on a small scale near at hand which might 
serve them as a model by which their imitative imagination 
might be inspired. There may be something in this ; but it 
does not seem to explain all. Now that fashions are chang- 
ing so rapidly, I should not be in the least surprised if we 
were to see, before many decades pass by, big mossy rocks 
drawn into the gardens of the English aristocracy by teams 
of huge English dray-horses, and skilfully placed in position 
by gardeners with an eye to natural effect. 

Ill 

The Japanese attainments in literature are for the most 
part inferior to those in art. In art we can talk with a 
certain amount of confidence with people of any nation, 
though not always on equal terms, but in literature our 
confidence in ourselves fails to a significant extent when 
we come to talk with the people of the Western civilized 
nations. We have, however, a sufficient stock of literature 
accumulated through centuries of years amply to show our 
minds and sentiments as a nation. 

An article by the late Sir Edwin Arnold, published in an 
issue of the Daily Telegraph a few days after his death begins 
thus : — 

The time will come when Japan — safe, famous, and glad with 
the promise of peaceful years to follow, and to reward this present 

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period of life-and-death conflict — will engage once again the attrac- 
tion of the Western nations on the side of her artistic and intellectual 
gifts. Already in this part of the globe, persons of culture have 
become well aware how high and subtle is her artistic genius ; and 
by and by it will be discovered that there are real treasures to be 
found in her literature. Moreover, England, beyond any other 
European country, is likely to be attracted to this branch, at present 
naturally neglected, of what may be called the spiritual side of 
Japanese life. 

I, as a Japanese, cannot pretend to guarantee this saying of 
Sir Edwin Arnold as being perfectly correct, but at all events 
a great deal seems to be contained in it. We have seen in 
a foregoing section of this chapter that our arts were in a 
state of great advancement in the Nara period. But in 
literature we have nothing worth reading left except our 
poetry. We have Manyoshiu (million leaves), a book which 
is a collection of poems dating from some time previous to 
the Nara period down to the early part of the Heian period. 
The collection seems to have begun at the end of the Nara 
period but to have been finished by a great poet who lived 
in the Heian period, and hence the incorporation of some 
poems of the latter period. 

From this book we can fairly judge that the art of poetry 
has never again attained to that pitch by any subsequent 
generation throughout the whole of our history. The scale 
of our poetry is small on the whole, although our poetry 
of the Nara period contains a good deal worth reading. 

Speaking of the poetry of this period Mr. Aston writes 
thus : — 

While the eighth century has left us little or no prose literature 
of importance, it was emphatically the golden age of poetry. Japan 
had now outgrown the artless effusions described in a preceding 
chapter, and during this period produced a body of verse of an 
excellence which has never since been surpassed. The reader who 
expects to find this poetry of a nation just emerging from the bar- 
baric stage of culture characterized by rude, untutored vigour, will 
be surprised to learn that, on the contrary, it is distinguished by 
polish rather than power. It is delicate in sentiment and refined 
in language, and displays exquisite skill of phrase, with a careful 
adherence to certain canons of composition of its own. 

This I think will be a sufficient survey of the subject. 

We come next to the Heian period. Here we see that 
culture has greatly developed. All kinds of books were written 

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— histories, books of law and ceremony, travels, diaries, 
memoirs, romances, books of ' ana ' and novels. The study of 
Chinese was much in vogue at the time, and many of these 
books are written in Chinese. Our native literature had 
also sprung up and made a wonderful progress, and it was 
then that our native classical books came into existence. 
They are written entirely in the pure phonetic alphabet, 
almost entirely consisting of vernacular words. True it is 
that the writers had not yet devised a mode of dividing 
one word from another, so that readers may see at once 
every word separate ; but this was similarly the case with 
the ancient Greeks. Neither did they know how to make 
use of the signs, such as the full-stop, the comma, and the 
exclamation stop, etc., so as to make reading easy, and at 
the same time to give the reader some kind of sense and idea 
beyond the words themselves. Had the native literature of 
the time been kept up, and had such improvements been 
made, Japan would have had by this time the credit of a 
considerable native literature, in addition to the great boon 
of having a good system of writing differing from the cum- 
brous form that is still in use. 

The light literature, that is to say, romances, novels, and 
such like, of the Heian period are written in the native 
classical style. They are mostly by female hands. As 
the study of Chinese was thought to be more masculine 
and useful, and, generally a higher attainment, most men 
seem to have gone in that direction, and the task of culti- 
vating the native style was left in the hands of the ladies. 
Genji Monogatari and Makura - no - Soshi are generally 
considered the best of the kind, though they differ in style 
and purport.^ 

Since the Imperial Government of Kioto lost its grasp 
of the administration, and the ruling power was transferred 
to the military governments, that is, since the Kamakura 
period, literary culture has shown a great decadence. The 
monks of the Buddhist temples became almost the sole 
repositories of book knowledge, as was the case to a certain 
extent in the mediaeval age of Europe. There was a time 
when much knowledge in the wa)/ of learning was considered, 
in the case of knights and other gentry, to be a hindrance to 

^ For specimen extracts, see Japan by the Japanese^ 1904, 539-541. 

230 



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the maintenance of manliness, and therefore not much 
valued. It was under the Tokugawa period that a great re- 
vival of literary culture took place and expanded itself to a 
degree unknown before. I may here state that previously to 
that period Japanese literature had scarcely any philosophy. 
Of histories there were many, but they were more in the 
nature of chronicles or annals, and did not aspire to any 
philosophical generalization. In the Tokugawa period litera- 
ture, and the study of books, spread itself in all directions, 
and philosophical dissertations formed no small part of the 
new growth. Works of fiction, too, made their appearance in 
astonishing numbers ; but I think it would be better for me 
to describe this progress in a more historical manner, even 
though only a bare outline can be attempted. 

After the establishment of the Tokugawa Government at 
" Yedo," now Tokio, the country enjoyed a long spell of peace 
extending over two hundred and seventy years. During 
that time both art and literature made great progress. 
Schools were established, not only in Yedo, but at almost 
every seat of the provincial governments of the feudal 
lords, besides many private schools, which were established 
by scholars on their own account. In these schools the 
young Samurai were taught ; and many of the Samurai 
themselves, whose business and inclination in former days 
was nothing but fighting, began to study books. A learned 
class thus sprang up whose business it was to study, to read, 
to write, and to teach. These were msimly Japanese scholars, 
in Chinese, their work being to expound the Confucian doc- 
trine; they were called the "Ziusha," and commanded the 
high respect of society. In the beginning of the period they 
were classed with priests or physicians, but as time went 
on a little, it was thought that this classification was not suffi- 
cient for them. They must be regarded as something 
higher ; they were accordingly given comparatively high 
places among the Samurai, and their occupations were not 
considered as professions. This was, of course, where the 
teachers were engaged in the official schools ; but a similar 
kind of respect was also accorded to the masters of private 
schools. It was these learned people who wrote vast numbers 
of books on different subjects, more especially based upon 
the Chinese ideas of the classical period, but mostly in such 
a way as to make them more adaptable to the Japanese 

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THE RISEN SUN 

conditions, and also to make many scholastic improvements. 
These ideas, blended together with the chivalric code of 
honour of the native growth, went a long way in forming 
the moral aspects of the Japanese character. There was 
another movement which took place at this period side by 
side with the movement in the direction of Chinese study. It 
was the revival of the study of ancient Japanese literature 
and the resuscitation of the master spirits of the Imperial 
regime preceding the introduction of the feudal system. 
This has also gone a long way toward forming the national 
character of the Japanese side by side with those influences 
described above. Scholars belonging to this school have 
also written many books, more especially on the interpre- 
tation of the ancient vernacular language and the exposi- 
tion of native classical literature. 

These were, then, the more serious and elevated sides of our 
literature of the period, but there was also a popular side 
— I mean the works of fiction, including romances, dramas, 
and novels. In discussing this part of our literature I must, 
in the first place, speak of the "No." The No, together with 
its accompaniments of the " Kiogen," is not a growth of this 
period ; it first began during the latter parts of the Ashikaga 
period, it then passed through the Oda-Toyotomi period, 
and was kept up with lively interest down to the period 
we are speaking of ; nay, even to our own days. The No, 
as literature, is a collection of dramatic poems, and in its 
action is a kind of drama. When both recitation and 
action are combined it is something like an opera on a 
very limited scale. The written parts are sung by the 
people acting, there are principal and secondary characters, 
and a large chorus. I once saw a Greek play acted by the 
undergraduates at Cambridge in imitation of the ancient 
Greeks (I have also read some Greek dramas), and I noticed 
some similarity between them and our No, though, of 
course, the scale of our No is only miniature compared 
with that of the Greeks. The text-book of the No is called 
" Yokioku " or " Utai," and is called No only when it is 
represented on the stage by action. Yokioku is studied 
and sung by its admirers even without action. It has been 
long popular with the upper classes, and of late years its prac- 
tice has been revived among the gentry extensively. The plot 
and actions are not complicated, but they are refined, and 

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some passages are superb, though not classical. Its tone is 
elegant and elevated and, therefore, fit to be associated 
with the upper classes ; hence, No was performed even 
on great occasions at the Courts of the Shogun. 

The word Kiogen literally means " mad utterances," and 
when acted it is a comical play on a small scale. The 
Kiogen is a collection of dialogues, and therefore, as liter- 
ature, has no poetical element. There are several hundreds 
of these pieces, and their merits are to be sought in the con- 
densed form of their comical elements. They are never 
sung, they are only adapted for action, and are commonly 
played after a No drama, though occasionally a Kiogen 
alone is acted without the No ; a good deal of credit may, 
however, be allowed to them. They often represent great 
feudal lords in the leading role, and the plot is so arranged 
that the feudal lord is made a fool of by the other char- 
acters. They were acted in the period when the feudal 
discipline was most rigid, and yet this fool-making was 
acquiesced in. This will show how cunningly the comical 
parts were displayed, so that the very feudal lords them- 
selves before whom they were played could not get 
offended. 

The works of fiction of this period have taken root in a 
somewhat similar manner to the popular school of paintings 
(Ukiyoye) which took their root in opposition to the pictures 
of the older and more conventional style. They were truly 
things for the people, and not for the aristocracy. The 
serious side of our literature in this period was almost a 
monopoly of the higher classes. The common people had no 
access to or liking for it, except those who had been favoured 
with better opportunities or higher aspirations than their 
neighbours. And yet they began to feel a kind of longing 
for some novelty, and this was utilized by a number of clever 
popular writers. The readers were of the inferior class, 
and the writers were men of the same class, were at least 
hommes declasses, or pretended to be so by using some 
fictitious name. Generally speaking, therefore, much vul- 
garity is perceptible in this class of literature. Nevertheless 
there is merit to be found in these books. Their plots and 
situations are, in many cases, so good that they touch our 
feelings deeply. 

Speaking of Bakin, who may be considered the greatest 

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THE RISEN SUN 

heroic romance writer of the period, a critic says, as translated 
and quoted by Mr. Aston :— 

In short, Bakin comprises in himself the best points of many- 
men. We see in him numerous resemblances to Shakespeare. It 
is not only women and children, tradespeople and pCcisants, who 
admire him. Even educated gentlemen are frequently moved to 
tears or laughter, or made to gnash their teeth and strain their arms 
(with rage) by his writings. 

Perhaps I may here give, with advantage, a rough classi- 
fication of these works. There are historical romances, 
comical romances and novels : the latter are called by us 
Ninjio-bon (book of human nature), and their plots are 
principally concerned with love affairs. Female characters 
in these novels generally do not belong to a very select 
type or class, so that they are often repugnant to the more 
refined taste of modern times. Such types recur much as 
the courtesans and parasites do in Latin comedy, but they 
are often very cleverly drawn. From the literary point of 
view, moreover, we can discover considerable merit in many 
of these works of fiction, inasmuch as many of them (among 
them the so-called Kusazoshi) were written in the pure 
phonetic alphabet and colloquial Japanese. Historical 
romances of the Bakin school generally contain Chinese 
letters in their lines to a surprising degree ; and, therefore, 
from the point of view of the nationalization of our written 
language they do not appear to merit much consideration 
at our hands. With regard to those that are written in the 
pure phonetic alphabet, on the other hand, the writers 
have succeeded to a very creditable degree in reviving 
the mode of writing peculiar to the old days of the classical 
literature of the Heian period after it had been totally 
disused for so many centuries. For those, therefore, who 
wish to remodel our written language on the same lines as 
the spoken language, these works certainly deserve to be 
taken into greater consideration. 

There is one more important kind of literature which 
deserves our attention ; it is the popular drama. 

In speaking of dramas it is necessary to speak first of the 
books relating to them. There are numerous books under 
the categorical name of the Joruri-hon or Gidayu-hon. 
These are books containing not only the dialogue but also 
some of the descriptive parts of the stories themselves. 

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ARTS AND LETTERS 

They are written like a novel, only with more dialogue than 
description, but, of course, in a shorter form, and in such 
euphonic diction as may be sung. At the same time they 
are also adaptable to the stage with actors and acting.. 
They were originally written for marionette theatres ; 
experienced vocalists singing them at the corner of the pro- 
scenium, while the marionettes were being worked with 
realistic effect on the stage concurrently with the singing. 
They could also be sung without the marionettes, and, 
therefore, the singing of them is widely studied and practised 
by men and women of the higher classes. They can, 
moreover, with a little modification, be adapted to the 
ordinary stage. Ordinary theatres grew up in this period, 
but at a little later time than the marionette theatres. 
Dialogue plays were written for these theatres by regular 
playwrights attached to them : their literary merit was for 
the most part insignificant. 

Many foreigners have imagined that there were no 
actresses in Japan ; but this is an erroneous opinion. At 
the beginning of theatrical performances, some three 
hundred years ago, there were actors and actresses 
playing together, but this practice was prohibited a little 
later for some reason. In later times also there were 
many actresses, though fewer in number than actors,' and 
these actresses formed their own companies on the stage 
and played the parts of men, while male actors similarly 
formed independent companies. Men (not necessarily 
youths) played female parts, and women portrayed men, 
both with admirable success. This state of things obtains 
to this day. Occasionally actresses act in the company of 
the actors, but it is very rare, and in exceptional cases. 
The tendency, however, is in the direction of more fusion 
between the male and female companies of players. 

The stage, both marionette and ordinary, was originally 
intended for common people, and, unlike the No, the 
popular stage has never been patronized by the upper 
classes. It was only at a very recent date that even 
great actors began to attain their position in society. 
Much vulgarity was permitted to appear on the stage in 
former days, both marionette and ordinary, and the 
Joruri-bon themselves are not free from this defect ; 
but when we make a good selection from the numerous 

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THE RISEN SUN 

books of this kind we find that there are many parts which 
exhibit high Hterary merits, and parts that may be sung 
by men and women of the highest classes without hesi- 
tation, before any audience. My wife herself is a fairly good 
singer of ' Joruri' songs. She was first recommended by a 
medical specialist of high reputation to make frequent use of 
her voice for the sake of her health, and this kind of singing 
was selected for her. 

Speaking generally, however, I admit that vulgarity 
exists in many of them still, as I said before ; but here I must 
make a remark which will be most astonishing to the Western 
readers. I wish to say that these play-books, this popular 
drama, and the heroic tales contained in these historical 
works of fiction, together with the Gundan (particular mode 
of telling heroic stories) have had a great share in making 
the Japan of to-day. The gallantry of our sailors in trying 
to bottle up the entrance of Port Arthur, and of the soldiers 
who fought the battle of the Yalu, Kinchau, Nanshan and 
Mukden, owes a good deal of its force to the influence 
exercised by these fictions upon the popular element of the 
Mikado's subjects. Of course I do not ignore the fact that 
the vast influence of the serious parts of our education 
and traditions also would have made them extremely loyal 
and patriotic to their country and to their Emperor ; but, 
for all that, the influence exercised by the dramatic per- 
formances, dramatic literature, and the romantic stories 
of heroes and heroines can by no means be overlooked. 

For this there is reason ; in Japan, the idea of the " en- 
couragement of what is good, and the chastisement of what 
is bad," has always been kept in view in works of fiction, 
and more conspicuously still in dramatic books and plays. 
I know very well that there is some opposition to this idea. 
People in England and France say that works of fiction 
should be viewed exclusively as art products ; hence, so long 
as the real nature and character is depicted there is an end 
to the function of these works. I do not pretend in any 
way to challenge this argument, but I simply state that it 
was not so regarded in Japan ; consequently, with us, some 
kind of reward or chastisement is generally meted out to the 
fictitious characters introduced upon the scene ; and these 
representations, whether in books or on the stage, are carried 
to such a pitch of illusion as to leave a very profound 

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impression on the minds of the readers or of the audience. 
Whatever the other remaining parts may be, these parts 
are always left in and remain uppermost upon the mind of 
the reader or the theatre-goer. The prominent effect or 
impression thus produced is generally a great loyalty, such 
as a loyal servant would feel and express for his master ; 
or a great fortitude and perseverance which a man may 
exhibit for the sake of justice and righteousness; or the 
severe suffering he may undergo for the sake of a dear 
friend ; or the devotion of parents with self-sacrifice ; or the 
great suffering, and it may be self-sacrifice, of a wife for 
her husband, or of a mother for her son in enabling him 
to fulfil his duty as a true subject of his lord, or as a true 
friend of a comrade, or a fellow-citizen for whose sake he 
has to do something. I have myself undergone many 
times the experience of shedding tears when reading works 
of fiction, or when listening to the singing of dramatic songs, 
or while witnessing dramatic performances. This peculiarity 
seems to be wanting on the Western stage. I remember once 
in London, years ago, my eyes becoming moist with tears 
when I saw a character on the stage, who was being taken 
away as a prisoner, putting out his arms and shaking hands 
with the man who was his dear friend, but who ought to 
have been suspected, if I remember rightly, as being the 
cause of his being taken prisoner, and who told him that 
he would never suspect and never forsake him ; but that 
was a solitary experience. 

If I say anything about Shakespeare, I fear I should at 
once be considered to be overstepping my proper boundary ; 
but I must say that even Shakespeare's plays, some of 
which I have read or seen played upon the stage, have 
never given me such impressions. Whenever we come 
to the Western stage we appreciate the stage decorations, 
we admire the splendid movements and shapely figures 
of the actors and actresses, and, so far as we can under- 
stand it, the striking elegance and powerful delivery of the 
dialogue ; and we enjoy ourselves as much as could be 
hoped, but on coming home we find nothing left in our 
brain which might serve as an incentive or a watchword 
in our future career. Such, then, seems to be the difference 
between our dramatic works and those of the Western 
nations. If ever the good parts of our dramatic works 

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be appreciated by the Westerners we shall feel highly 
flattered. 

I must now leave off speaking of the Tokugawa period 
and must deal with the Meiji era, in which we are now living. 
The infusion of European ideas has made all our things very 
different, and literature is also making a new move ; I 
cannot enter upon the subject in this place ; I can merely 
state a very few facts. Works of fiction have been and are 
being written a good deal. We have not yet produced any 
great genius such as the geniuses produced in the Tokugawa 
period, but in some ways we have made improvements. 
Writers of works of fiction in the Tokugawa period 
had no great enlightenment in themselves, as I have de- 
scribed above. Modern writers are mostly men of proper 
training and regular education ; many of them are graduates 
of the university, and many of them have a fair knowledge of 
Western literature. If only the public would give more 
encouragement to them to continue their toil, I have every 
confidence that they would succeed. But, alas, this is not 
the case. I may also say that although theatrical plays 
are also written by the young men of the present generation, 
they have not, hitherto, met with much success. Such 
works as Chiushingura (Forty-Seven Ronin or loyalists) or 
Sendaihagi (Lespedeza bicolor of Sendai), written in the 
Tokugawa period, have at present found no rivals in the 
modern literature of Japan. 



238 



CHAPTER XII 

THE GREAT CHANGE IN JAPAN ^ 

OF late people have shown a strong disposition to learn 
something of the cause and effect of that great 
change which took place in Japan some three decades ago. 
The following pages are an attempt to give to such persons 
the keys by which they may open the mystic shrine in 
which that history is hidden from the eyes of casual 
observers. 

There are in all seven keys, in the shape of terms which 
it is most important to master, and which must first be 
thoroughly understood if one really desires to gain access 
to the shrine. These are : (i) Kinno, (2) Sabaku, (3) 
Sakoku, (4) Kaiko, (5) Kobu-gattai, (6) Fukko, (7) Ishin. 
These represent in reality the seven currents of thought, 
so to speak, which for a considerable time prevailed in 
Japan, and in the fusion of these currents, after the number- 
less checks and impediments that were ascribable to the 
political vicissitudes of the age, we have the Japan of 
to-day. Amongst these currents the first five more especi- 
ally prevailed before 1868, which was the year of the restora- 
tion of the Imperial regime, and the last two after that 
year. 

Now, "Kinno" means "fulfilling one's duty to the 
Emperor " ; " Sabaku " means " supporting the Bakufu, 
i.e., the government of the Shogun, who was the military 
head of the house of Tokugawa. As a matter of fact, the 
original signification of Bakufu was " the headquarters of 
a generalissimo." The simple signification of Shogun is 
" a leader of an army " — a general ; but in the case under 
our consideration " generalissimo " is perhaps the more 
appropriate title, because in this case " Shogun " was but 

^ Fortnightly Review, November, 1904. 
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THE RISEN SUN 

an abbreviation of Tai-Shogun, which is the precise equiva- 
lent of " generaHssimo." The nearest terms we can give 
in English, therefore, to " Kinno " and " Sabaku " would 
be Imperialism and Militarism. They were the main 
opposing currents which had animated the Japanese, heart 
and soul, for some fifteen years prior to 1868, and had been 
productive of manifestations, often in a most acute form, 
though their origin and growth were of more remote date. 
In other words, the question at issue wasto decide which of 
two — the Imperial Court at Kioto or the Government of 
the Shogun at Yedo (now Tokio) — should gain the ascen- 
dency and govern the country. It was in reality a vital 
question, having its roots deep down in the very founda- 
tions of the organization of Japan. Concurrently with 
these two modes of thought there existed two others, 
which were likewise in opposition to one another, namely, 
" Sakoku," which meant " closing the country," and 
" Kaiko," which implied " opening the ports to foreign 
trade." The former was sometimes called " Sako," which 
meant closing the ports, being, of course, the same thing, 
as " closing the country," and in this form it was often 
coupled with " Joi," i.e., expelling the barbarians, or 
" Joi," alone, was often used in place of " Sakoku." " Kai- 
ko " was sometimes called " Kaikoku," which means 
" opening the country," in contradistinction to " Sakoku." 
Let us term them in English " anti-opening " and " pro- 
opening." These two issues had to be definitely decided, 
one way or the other, with regard to Japan's external 
attitude. 

The relative positions of these four currents constitute 
the most interesting, and yet, to outsiders, most puzzling 
features of that period of Japan's history. Broadly 
speaking, Militarism and the pro-opening propagandism 
were usually ranged on one side in antagonism to Im- 
perialism and the anti-opening propagandism, but they were 
not necessarily so throughout. It was the Shogun's Govern- 
ment that had to deal with foreign Powers, and which 
acceded to their demands as respects opening the country 
to foreign trade. It felt, no doubt, that a greater and 
more immediate responsibility, in regard to emergencies 
which might arise, would be incurred |int refusing these 
demands, and therefore yielded to external pressure. It 

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THE GREAT CHANGE 

naturally followed that those who favoured Militarism 
were also generally to be found on the side of the pro- 
opening propagandists. It did not, however, follow that 
because one supported the existing system of Militarism, 
as a domestic policy, he should also advocate opening the 
country ; as a matter of fact, there were many among 
the adherents of the Shogunate who did not like the idea 
of seeing the country thrown open under humiliating 
conditions, under the menace, as it were, of foreign bayonets. 
On the other hand, the Imperial Court at Kioto was from 
time immemorial considered almost sacred, and it was 
natural enough, in those days, that the Court, with its 
nobles, should take a certain pride in its seclusion and in 
the country being free from any foreign interference, and 
thus its avowed desire was to keep foreigners at a distance. 
Hence the supporters of the Imperial cause generally 
espoused the anti-opening propaganda. But it did not 
necessarily follow, among Imperialists at large, that, be- 
cause a man longed to see the Imperial authority resusci- 
tated and the country consolidated, he should close his 
eyes to the advantages which might accrue from foreign 
intercourse, nor that he should blind himself to the dangers 
which might arise from an attempt to stem the irresistible 
tide that was setting in, as exemplified in the advent of 
foreign fleets. 

There was another current, which went by the denomi- 
nation of "Kobugattai," which implied an intimate relation- 
ship and harmonious understanding between the Court 
and the Shogunate, " Kobu " signifying the Court and 
Shogunate, and " gattai " signifying a perfect unity, as 
it were. We might call this propaganda the " harmonism." 
The idea of this propaganda was that it would be better 
for the country could some cordial understanding be 
established between the Court and the Shogunate, and 
that efforts should be directed toward the maintenance 
of the country's position as to exterior concerns. The 
views of the harmonists on this latter point were mainly 
in favour of maintaining amicable intercourse with foreign 
Powers, though this did not necessarily and absolutely 
follow. Harmonism, however, did not, after all, amount 
to much more than a sort of opportunism — a mere patching- 
up of matters in conformity with temporary expediencies, 

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so that this current of opinion did not exercise so great an 
influence on the nation's future as did some others. 

Such was the admixture of the currents of thought at 
a time when the culmination to be finally attained was a 
matter of vital importance. It was no wonder, then, that 
the country was in a great commotion, and that the turmoil 
cost it innumerable lives and much money. There were 
several risings of impatient patriots against the authorities 
at Yedo, attacks on foreigners, and bombardments of 
foreign ships, with counter-bombardments by the foreign 
squadrons of our seaside towns, and desperate battles 
between the Imperialists and the Militarists. There were, 
moreover, many self-contradictory acts, irreconcilible 
in themselves save to those whose studies have led them 
thoroughly to appreciate the unique conditions due to the 
then existing commixture of interests. No one at the 
time could predict the ultimate outcome of all this, of 
course, but the only solution of the problem lay in a unifica- 
tion of the Imperialistic and the pro-opening propaganda. 
It was beyond doubt that the country needed to be consoli- 
dated and made as powerful as possible in order to sustain 
its independence against exterior pressures, and, for the 
realisation of this end, Imperialism was the only com- 
mendable propaganda. But Imperialism in union with 
the anti-opening propaganda was neither practical nor 
feasible. It must be reconciled with the pro-opening 
propaganda, which, as we have seen, was then ranged on 
the side of Militarism. There arose at this crisis, I am 
thankful to say, men amongst the Imperialists who began 
to perceive this paramount necessity ; neither was there 
lacking a similar element among the supporters of the 
Shogunate. But on this some further explanation is 
necessary. 

First, as to the relative position of the Emperor and 
Shogun. In the early days it was usual for foreigners to 
speak of the former as the spiritual head of Japan, and of 
the latter as the temporal head. This was not correct 
according to our notions, as is now tolerably well known. 
The Emperor was all in all — the real Sovereign of the 
country. He was always the fountain of honour ; and 
only the administrative authority was entrusted to the hands 
of the Shogun. This fact was at all times fully recognized 

2^2 



THE GREAT CHANGE 

by the followers of the Shogunate themselves. Hence, even 
among the staunchest adherents of the Shogun, to wrest the 
sovereignty of the country from the Emperor, and confer 
it upon the person of the Shogun, was out of the question, 
even though the object in view was nothing less than the con- 
solidating of the country against foreign intrusions. They 
dare not contemplate such a sacrilegious crime, and the 
only thing they desired was the continuation and strength- 
ening of the administrative power of the Shogun. The 
advocacy of the resuscitation of the Imperial authority, 
moreover, had been growing for many decades, irrespective 
of foreign concerns, and the growth of that notion meant a 
proportionate diminution of the authority of the Shogunate 
Government. As a matter of fact, the last Shogun, Reiki 
himself, who exercised great influence even before he became 
Shogun, was a person who had the keenest possible sense 
of loyalty to the Imperial Court. He was a scion of the 
Mito branch of the Tokugawa family, and it is a well- 
known fact that the house of the Prince of Mito, though 
descended from lyeyasu, the first Shogun of the Tokugawa 
line, was most loyal to the Court, and had been one of the 
most influential instruments in the revival of the 
Imperial cause. Young Reiki, at the age of eleven, 
succeeded the house of Hitotsubashi, another branch of 
the Tokugawa family. There were six among numerous 
branches of the Tokugawa family who enjoyed the privi- 
lege of supplying a successor in case of default of a direct 
heir to the reigning line of Shoguns ; Hitotsubashi was 
one of the six, and Mito was another. At the age of 
eighteen Reiki was one day deeply impressed — I have 
it on the very best authority — by his father's injunc- 
tion to the following effect : " You may," said the old 
Prince of Mito to his son, " one day chance to be the Shogun. 
You have, however, to bear one thing in your mind, and 
it is this : should any crisis ever occur in which the in- 
terests of the Imperial Court and those of the Yedo Govern- 
ment arrive at such a pitch that they cannot co-exist, you 
must pay primary attention to those of the Imperial Court. 
It is the only way to fulfil your duty to the Emperor, and 
thus only will you be acting in keeping with the best 
traditions of our family." Reiki's thoughts were ever 
alive to this teaching of his father, who was in his way a 

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THE RISEN SUN 

great man and a most conspicuous figure in the history of 
his time. Keiki is often condemned by casual observers 
as having been lacking in decision and courage in his latter 
days, but here is the clue of his actions, and it should go a 
long way to dispose of that accusation. Napoleon III 
burnt his fingers in the latter days of the Tokugawa 
regime, when he directed his thoughts to Far Eastern 
politics on the assumption that the relative positions 
of Japanese Imperialism and Militarism were something 
like those of the Imperialism and Royalism of his own 
country, i.e., a rivalry of two factions that were on an 
equal footing. 

As to foreign relations, the Government^of the Shogun, 
being no longer able to resist the exterior pressure, signed 
treaties before they could get the Imperial sanction, on 
the excuse that it was within the competency of the Sho- 
gun's authority by virtue of the administrative powers 
entrusted to him by the Emperor. In the eyes of the 
Japanese at large, especially in those of the Imperialists, 
his functions were not so regarded. In their view the 
Shogun's act constituted a usurpation of the Imperial 
prerogative, and, consequently, it was not viewed as a 
final and irrevocable arrangement. It is remarkable to 
notice that even the Shogun's officials, who negotiated 
these treaties, must have felt some delicacy in regard to 
this matter, for the title of these treaties had at the top 
an extra word in the Japanese text — Kari= temporary or 
provisional. I do not remember how it was in the Western 
text. And again, in the stipulation about the privilege 
of despatching a Resident Minister, the representative 
who was to be despatched by Japan was described as 
" a functionary who deals with political matters," and 
those who were to be despatched by foreign States to Japan 
were mentioned simply by phonetic transliteration as 
*' Diplomatic Agent." Of course both the nomenclature 
and the function of different classes of diplomatic agents 
were unknown then in Japan, but it is curious to see one 
and the same thing differently expressed. The draughts- 
men of these documents had evidently no other reason for 
so doing than that of evading all possible criticism. I 
may also mention here two other matters in connexion 
with this subject. One is the term Tai-kun, the literal 

244 



THE GREAT CHANGE 

meaning of which is " great lord." Foreigners thought it 
was the proper title of the " temporal head " of Japan. 
But, as a matter of fact, it was no title at all. It was a 
nomenclature invented by the partisans of the Shogunate 
Government purposely to obscure the exact position of the 
Shogun, although the device was not quite novel, inasmuch 
as the same term seems to have been at times used in the 
diplomatic correspondence of the Government of the 
Shogun with Korea. The other term was the appellation 
of " his Majesty " used by foreigners to designate the 
Shogun. It was Sir Harry Parkes, the British Minister, 
who first perceived the absurdity of it, and substituted, in 
official documents, " his Highness " for it. All foreigners 
were under the delusion that they had done everything 
correctly and effectually when they had completed their 
dealings with the officials of the Shogun. Let matters 
be as they were, however, there was one thing which was 
certain, and that was that the doctrine of the anti-opening 
propagandists was not feasible, hence the necessity of 
combining Imperialism and the pro-opening propaganda 
in one channel, in opposition to the other three currents 
of Militarism, the Anti-opening propaganda and Harmon- 
ism. It was no easy matter. If a Britisher could perceive 
how difficult it would be, at this moment, were he to be 
asked to take the " Free Trade " doctrine from the Liberals, 
and the " Imperialism " from the Unionists, and, amal- 
gamating them as one, reorganize the British administrative 
and fiscal polity altogether, then he could realize how 
much more difficult it must have been for the Japanese 
of those days to effect the combination and unification 
above described. Somehow or other things were brought 
about, and with the inauguration of the new regime, in 
1867, the country was consolidated under the central 
Imperial Government, and simultaneously, foreign rela- 
tions were firmly and definitely placed on the basis of 
the pro-opening policy, and of national progress. Thus 
was ushered in the Meiji era. And, moreover, in the course 
of four years, as the sequel of this great reformation, the 
feudal system was totally abolished by the combined efforts 
of the whole nation, until at last the consummation of the 
work was reached by the establishment of a constitutional 
form of government — a remarkable history, at least so 

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THE RISEN SUN 

regarded by outsiders, and one which it is needless for 
me to expatiate upon in this article. 

I must not, however, close without explaining the two 
remaining terms, " Fukko," and " Ishin." They repre- 
sented the two great currents of thought that more especi- 
ally manifested themselves in the early part of the Meiji 
era. " Fukko " means " a return to the ancient," i.e., 
restoration, and " Ishin " means " thorough innovation." 
The terms themselves represent two totally opposing 
ideas, but they were very commonly used conjointly in 
almost a similar manner as bread and butter or milk and 
sugar are employed in combination ; and, as a matter of 
fact, they were both equally the motive power of the new 
regime in attaining its vital aims. The idea of " Fukko " 
was akin to Imperialism, and that of " Ishin " to the doctrine 
of pro-opening. For the furtherance of the Imperial 
cause it was necessary to encourage the reproduction of 
the ancient spirit, because the full realization of the idea 
of centralizing the governing organization, including the 
abolition of feudalism, and the unification of army and 
navy as well as all other public institutions — could only 
be .thoroughly accomplished by an appeal to the ancient 
Imperial regime. For the adoption of a progressive policy, 
on the other hand, on the basis of Western enlightenment, 
it was necessary to encourage the idea of innovation, the 
reason of which needs no explanation. But both of these 
currents of thought were apt to be misused, and to run to 
extremes. One was apt to endeavour to revive matters 
and notions which were totally obsolete and impracticable, 
nay, even harmful, and to despise things which were com- 
paratively new, i.e., things which were not as old as the 
ancient Imperial regime ; whilst the other was apt to 
despise everything old, no matter how precious it was 
from the national point of view, and to endeavour to 
supplant it by something new, no matter how impracticable 
or premature, nay, even obnoxious, it might be in other 
respects. The real Japan seemed at one time as though 
it were to be ground to powder between these two mill- 
stones. It required regulating in the same fashion that 
an experienced engineer harmonizes negative and positive 
forces, and regulates the proper motive power of an electric 
car. The task was not an easy one, but we have done 

246 



THE GREAT CHANGE 

pretty well so far, and the outcome is the Japan of to-day. 
There remain, however, many more difficulties to be over- 
come, though we are doing our best to surmount them. 
The reform we have so far accomplished, we are told, is a 
cause of displeasure to some Occidentals, but our effort 
is sincere. We demand that in the face of Supreme 
Heaven justice shall be done, and that our little merits, as 
well as our great demerits, shall be fairly recognized. 



247 



CHAPTER XIII 

HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR : RULER AND POET 

I 

MIKADO is the title generally given by foreigners to 
our Emperor, and without doubt it is a Japanese 
term, but in Japan as a title of his Imperial Majesty the 
word is not commonly used. He is called ordinarily Tenno 
Heika, " Tenno " being the Japanese equivalent of Emperor, 
and " Heika " of the English phrase " his Majesty." The 
title employed in State papers to designate the ruler of the 
country is Kwotei, which also signifies Emperor. The 
personal name of his Majesty is Mutsuhito. 

There is one circumstance here which may strike foreigners 
as strange, and that is that the Emperor has no family name 
as European monarchs have, such as Romanoff, Hapsburg, 
or HohenzoUern. This arises from the fact that the family 
to which he belongs has reigned over the country of Japan 
from time immemorial — that is to say, from a date before 
any distinctive names of families became necessary. It 
must not be forgotten that in Europe, as well as in Japan, 
family names are comparatively modern, and mark the post- 
tribal period of national evolution. 

The Emperor of Japan came to the throne thirty-eight 
years ago, or, to put it more precisely on February 13, 1867. 
It was at the time when the old regime of the dual Govern- 
ment was abolished. Every one probably knows that the 
present Japanese era, which dates back from 1867, is known 
as the Meiji era, which means the era of enlightened adminis- 
tration. " Meiji " is the name given to all the years of the 
Emperor's reign, the fourth year of his reign, for example, 
being known as Meiji IV, and the same holds good of any 
other year. In a word, as every one knows, the Mejii era is the 

248 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

period in which the new Imperial regime and the progressive 
administration on the Hnes of Western enhghtenment have 
been inaugurated, so that the Emperor's reign is exactly 
co-extensive with this new and noteworthy phase of Japanese 
history. 

His father, the late Emperor, expired amid conditions 
of profound disturbance throughout the country ; and the 
present Emperor was but a youth of sixteen when he suc- 
ceeded to the throne, two circumstances which merit to be 
carefully considered, as they are of great importance in 
their bearing on the moulding of his Majesty's character. 
For example, the Emperor has even known what it is to be 
under fire. I mean that before his accession to the throne 
a desperate battle was fought in Kioto, round about the 
Imperial palace, so that bullets were flying in all directions 
over the palace buildings. From such a fact as this it is to be 
correctly inferred that the Emperor is not a prince who has 
been brought up on easy purple velvet, and thence succeeded 
quietly and serenely to the throne. 

His Majesty has been singularly fortunate in the training 
which he received for his great position. In his youth 
he was entrusted to the care of the private family of a Court 
noble, with the expressed wish that he should be brought 
up hardily, rather than delicately ; that he was not to be 
pampered or unduly humoured in any way. Of course he 
is not, as far as the scions of the Imperial House of Japan 
are concerned, exceptional in the manner of his bringing up. 
He is not a solitary instance of strict discipline during boy- 
hood for our princes, as it has been a common practice in 
the past of our Imperial family, and continues to be so at 
the present day. The idea is, of course, that our young 
princes are thus saved from all danger of being spoiled. 

As far as I am in a position to express an opinion, I think 
that the Emperor has a determined character, while being 
nevertheless both affable and amiable. He has a very clear 
mind, and is extremely studious and hard working. Con- 
sequently he is well informed on all topics. 

At the time of his accession to the throne he had many 
able statesmen and advisers around his person. Among 
them there were two Court nobles whom he considered his 
fathers and teachers — Prince Sanjio and Prince Iwakura, 
the latter of whom visited Europe and America as Am- 

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THE RISEN SUN 

bassador thirty-four years ago. Prince Sanjio died some 
sixteen years since, and Prince Iwakura about eight years 
previously. Under the guidance of these two great statesmen, 
assisted by several other able men of action and affairs, who 
had risen from obscurity during the turmoil of the revolution, 
but who were all imbued with the enlightened ideas of the 
West, his Imperial Majesty became thoroughly saturated 
with the fundamental principles of government on sound 
lines. In other words, his reign has been entirely enlightened 
by the ideal of governing the country by liberal and 
progressive measures. Thus he has developed the system of 
government in Japan from theoretical absolutism to con- 
stitutional government, by gradual and sometimes almost 
imperceptible stages. 

It is not my province here to enumerate all the benevolent 
measures and reforms which have affected every branch of 
the national life, as they in themselves afford ample material 
for a large historical work extending into many volumes. 
I can say, however, that the Emperor is our ideal of a con- 
stitutional monarch. He is not weak-minded or weak of 
will, as I have already indicated above, but neither is he 
prone to insist on having his own way at all costs, or to en- 
deavour to override the opinions of others, for he knows 
how to reconcile the demands of public opinion with the 
exigencies of the State. At the same time, he is not sub- 
servient to popular clamour or other pressure when in his 
view concession to either would not be in the best interests 
of the country. He devotes, it is perhaps needless to add, 
the most absorbed attention to every branch of State 
affairs. 

During the day, from early in the morning till late in the 
afternoon, he sits always in an apartment called the study 
(gakumonjo), where he attends to all public business. He 
is acquainted, too, in detail with the affairs of the different 
departments, more especially with those concerned with 
the army and navy. It happens sometimes, so it is said, 
that a Minister newly appointed to his post is baffled by the 
questions which the Emperor puts to him, questions showing 
a minute knowledge of the details of departmental work. 
He does not simply give his sanction to a document, an 
Imperial ordinance, without reading it ; but after carefully 
perusing it, he may say, " What does this mean ? Is not 

250 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

this clause of the ordinance in conflict with that of such and 
such an enactment ? " — his Majesty having a very accurate 
remembrance of the enactment to which he refers, so that 
a Minister may feel that he is a mere smatterer in the pres- 
ence of one who is a specialist of a very high order. 

Most newspapers of the country find their way into the 
precincts of the Court, and are carefully read. The Emperor 
himself, so it is said, personally peruses several of them, so 
that there is little fear of any event happening outside which 
does not come to his knowledge ; but he does not allow 
himself to be alarmed or misled by mere sensational clamour. 
Nor would unfounded accusations or rumours in the public 
Press, affecting persons in whom his Imperial Majesty 
reposes confidence, in any degree influence him. It is 
asserted that he sometimes astonishes the officials of the 
State with his far-reaching knowledge of things transpiring, 
or of events occurring among his people. It goes also with- 
out saying that he takes the keenest interest in all that is 
happening in all the great countries of the world ; and his sole 
desire seems to be to derive lessons from civilized nations 
in order that the State he rules may equally make progress 
on the lines of enlightenment. 

According to our military and naval organization the 
Emperor is the generalissimo. He is not only regarded as 
the head of the army and navy by virtue of his sove- 
reignty — that is to say, as a merely nominal head — but he 
is the real leader. Hence in that respect he is styled 
Daigensui, the supreme generalissimo. Therefore, in this 
regard, his Majesty considers himself as though he were 
actually a commissioned general, and takes most seriously 
his mission as military head of the State. During many 
centuries, when the Imperial Court lost its administrative 
authority and the military government of the Shogun was 
in the ascendant, the Imperial Court was, as every one 
knows, in seclusion. The Emperor had nothing to do with 
military affairs above other things ; but under the ancient 
Imperial regime, before the rise of the Shogunate, matters 
were different. In those days many instances may be 
found when troops were led by the Emperor in person, 
often, indeed, by the Empress, to say nothing of the princes 
of the royal blood. One of the greatest achievements of 
the new regime was the consolidation and reform of the 

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THE RISEN SUN 

military system of the Empire, and the return to the ancient 
state of things. 

Whenever there are any field manoeuvres upon an 
exceptional scale in Japan, his Majesty personally takes 
part in them. He will follow or watch the movements of 
his troops for hours — in fact, all day long, and for several 
days, on horseback, or from some convenient eminence. 
Even when it is raining, he will do so without resorting to 
shelter of any kind. When I was Minister of the Interior, 
and had occasion to be in attendance on the Emperor, I 
personally saw his Majesty act in the way I have just 
described. 

The Emperor is very fond of horses, and is one of the best 
riders in the Empire. One of his favourite relaxations, some 
years ago, was to invite large parties, consisting not only 
of military men but of civilians, to the Imperial gardens 
and see them practise horsemanship. His idea, however, in 
doing this was not merely to provide amusement for himself 
and others, but to encourage his subjects to take a keener 
interest in horses and horsemanship, and thus to assist the 
progress of horse-breeding in Japan. There is not much 
horse-racing in Japan. One race-meeting, which is the 
best of all, takes place at Negishi, in the suburbs of Yoko- 
hama, much interest being taken in this meeting by foreign 
residents. His Majesty patronises it, and often favours it 
with his presence, though he does this chiefly from his 
interest in horse-breeding and horsemanship. 

His Majesty does not indulge in games of any sort, but 
he is a great poet, and his chief pastime is the composition 
of poems. Ordinarily, Japanese poems are very short ; 
but it would astonish any one when he hears that his Majesty 
composes on an average four or five of these poems every day. 
Consequently, his poems are already voluminous. He is 
very quick in the work of composition, and his work is 
considered by experts to be very excellent. 

I may add that the composition of poems has always 
been regarded in Japan as one of the accomplishments of the 
Imperial family, of the Court, and of the nobility. The 
poems thus composed by the Emperor are not made public 
property, excepting in the case of a limited number of them 
which have been composed for special public occasions ; 
but, of course, now and then one or other of the Imperial 

252 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

compositions finds its way to publicity. There is one, I 
remember, running thus : — 

" Inishiye no 
Fumi miru tabini 
Omoo Kana 
Onoga osamuru 
Kuni wa ikanito ? " 

It is quite impossible to convey in English the full poetical 
sense and delicate shades of feeling expressed in these lines, 
but the meaning is as follows : — 

" Whenever I open 
The ancient Books 
The one thing I ponder is, 
How goes it with the people I rule ? " 

In the second part of this chapter I give a number of 
examples of his work as a poet, and the solicitude shown in 
those verses for the welfare of the people of which collec- 
tively he is the symbol, cannot but tend to intensify the 
attachment of the people to the Imperial person, and that 
attachment I must strongly assert is profound. This fact 
has been made sufficiently manifest during the course of 
the recently-concluded struggle with Russia. I may add 
that in Japan love of the State and devotion to its rulers 
are inseparable. With us loyalty means patriotism, and 
patriotism means loyalty. 

Knowing what human nature is all the world over, I cannot, 
of course, say that our Emperor has not likes and dislikes 
where individuals are concerned ; but it is a fact significant 
of much as regards his character that we never have any 
sign that these sentiments influence his Majesty's actions. If 
the exigencies of the State demand it, he does not allow his 
personal prepossessions for or against a man to influence 
him either in the selection or rejection of a statesman as his 
adviser and Minister. In a word, he comprehends perfectly 
the role of a constitutional monarch. There is no favourit- 
ism of men or women which he permits to influence him 
in the conduct of affairs of State. Such a thing is absolutely 
foreign to his Court ; and the attitude of his Majesty on this 
subject is so well understood that no one, however highly 
placed in his regard, or however pleasing to him for personal 

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THE RISEN SUN 

reasons, would dare to make that personal relationship a 
ground for meddling in national affairs. 

At the same time his Majesty is very ready to recognize 
services rendered to the State. I have alluded already to 
the great work done for Japan by the Princes Sanjio and 
Iwakura. Just before the death of each of them, when his 
Majesty was informed of the precarious state of his valued 
adviser, he paid him a visit on his dying bed, thus indirectly 
bidding the statesman in each case an eternal farewell. 
This may not seem to Europeans a striking line of action ; 
but such incidents, as far as Japanese custom in the past is 
concerned, have occurred very rarely indeed. 

Again, Saigo the elder was a great warrior and statesman, 
who did very great service in the restoration of the Imperial 
regime, and he died as the chief of the insurgents of the 
Satsumo revolution. He was to all intents and purposes a re- 
volutionary in outward seeming and appearance ; but the fact 
is known that that trouble was rather of the nature of a 
civil conflict caused by the peculiar circumstances of the 
time. There is no question of the sincerity of Saigo's 
loyalty. The step he had taken was a mistaken one. The 
Emperor's magnanimity of mind was shown, however, in 
recognizing this fact, and taking account of the error of 
judgment. He pardoned Saigo the elder, together with 
many other political offenders, at the time of the promulga- 
tion of the Constitution ; and some years later his Majesty 
gave the title of marquis to the son of Saigo in recognition 
of his father's services which had been rendered to the 
Imperial cause in those earlier days before he became a 
revolutionary. 

The last Shogun, Keiki, was, a few years ago, created a 
prince — a title equivalent to that of Duke in England. 
Now, at the time of the overthrow of the Shogun Govern- 
ment, lyesato, heir to the House of Tokugawa — not Reiki's 
son — -Tokugawa was the family name of the Shogun — was 
made a peer, and subsequently created a prince. Keiki 
was a retired member of the Tokugawa family. He had 
been on the side of the troops of the Shogunate, which 
opposed the Imperial forces. It came, however, to the 
Emperor's knowledge that Keiki had personally an intense 
feeling of loyalty, which had saved him from going to ex- 
tremes in his hostility to the restoration of the Imperial 

254 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

authority. Such facts having been brought to the con- 
sideration of the Emperor, Keiki was created a peer, in 
spite of the circumstance that lyesato, the heir of the 
Tokugawa family, was already a prince. Thus two 
princely houses have come into existence whose family 
origin is rooted in the old Shogunate. All this vividly 
illustrates the large-minded views which his Majesty takes 
of political affairs. I may here mention that Prince lyesato 
Tokugawa, mentioned above, and who was first created a 
prince, is now President of the House of Peers of Japan. He 
was a student in England a little over twenty years ago, 
living in a very quiet style ; I do not doubt that there 
are several Englishmen who still recollect him. He is 
fulfilling his duty as a nobleman under our Imperial regime, 
and diligently discharging his functions, not only as president 
of the House of Peers, but also as the Chief of the Central 
Association of the Nobles, an association, however, which is 
not political. He is, perhaps, one of the most loyal subjects 
of his Majesty the Emperor. Thus we can easily see that 
there is not the slightest unpleasant remembrance or shadow 
of vindictive sentiment remaining over in Japan as a con- 
sequence of the abolition of the old political system. 

The faith of his Majesty is Shintoism, as is only natural 
to him ; but he is most tolerant in matters of conscience, so 
far as his subjects are concerned. As regards religion 
generally, he has guaranteed perfect freedom of conscience 
by the Constitution which he promulgated gratuitously ; 
and, as every one knows, it was under very different cir- 
cumstances that the Constitutions of most countries were 
promulgated. 

I have spoken of the intense interest taken by the Em- 
peror in his army and navy, but of personal ambition for 
military achievement it is a happy circumstance that he 
has none whatever. He has not the slightest wish to 
make conquests or invade any other country, nor to enter 
on any needless conflict with other nations. He has no dis- 
position to advertise himself by any ostentatious action 
having its base in a spirit of monarchical egotism. 

He gives great encouragement, though not in a lavish 
manner, to all branches of art, and periodical exhibitions 
are held by different art associations in the capital and 
elsewhere. These exhibitions his Majesty and the Empress 

255 



THE RISEN SUN 

occasionally favour with visits ; and almost regularly some 
members of the Imperial Household are sent to purchase a 
number of the objects exhibited, not so much with any 
desire of making a large collection of these works of art as 
of stimulating and encouraging the artistic aspirations of 
his Majesty's subjects. His Majesty has grounds specially 
reserved for shooting game and netting ducks. He is fond 
of those things, but does not often indulge in them personally. 
He sends Court officials to do so. Some specially privileged 
persons — diplomatists, for instance — are often invited or 
permitted to join the party. They may cook and eat as 
much of the game on the spot as they can, and, by connivance, 
the persons invited may carry home a little for their families. 
As a rule, the game is taken to the palace and submitted 
to the Imperial inspection. After that, it is often dis- 
tributed in the form of Imperial gifts among the high 
personages of the Court and State, 

The cherry and chrysanthemum are two national flowers 
of Japan. In connexion with them his Majesty has insti- 
tuted two annual social gatherings in the form of garden- 
parties — Kwan-wo-kwai (" Gathering for viewing cherry- 
blossoms "), and Kwan-kikU'kwan (" Gathering for view- 
ing chrysanthemums ") — ^in spring and autumn, in the 
Imperial gardens of Hama and Akasaka respectively. 
Thousands of persons of position, both men and women, 
are invited to them ; and the Emperor, Empress, and 
other personages of the Court and State are present. 
The Corps Diplomatique are, of course, among the principal 
guests. The times when these parties are given are the 
best seasons for foreigners to visit Japan ; and, moreover, 
persons enjoying sufficient social status in their own countries 
may be presented to their Majesties by the Ministers- 
Resident of their nationalities, so that large numbers of 
Europeans and Americans pay their visits to Japan annually 
in the cherry and chrysanthemum seasons. 

I may in conclusion add a word about two private museums 
constructed in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in recent 
years entirely upon his Majesty's initiation and design. 
In them rare trophies, brought back from China as a result 
of the Sino- Japanese war and of the expedition to Pekin, 
are deposited. But besides these objects there are others 
which illustrate the bravery and devotion of our soldiers in 

256 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

battle — for example, regimental flags which have been 
riddled with bullets, and the portraits of officers and others 
who have nobly sacrificed themselves for their country. 

These museums have been built more with a view to 
preserve the memory of these soldiers and sailors, and the 
hard work they had undergone, than as monuments of 
triumph and national glory. They are not open to the 
public ; but Government servants, officers of the army 
and navy, or students of colleges are allowed to visit them, 
by express permission. 



11^ 



Few persons, indeed, can claim to have access to the 
innermost thoughts of |the exalted personage who reigns in 
Japan at this momentous hour of her history. Fortunately 
for his people, the Emperor is a poet. Nothing so vividly 
reveals one's inner mind as poetical effusion. In Japan, it is 
true, the Imperial essays in this branch are but seldom made 
public. Nevertheless, some of those short poems that his 
Majesty had composed since the outbreak of the present war 
have found their way from time to time, into the columns of 
the vernacular Press, and these have enabled readers to 
comprehend in a measure the thoughts which fill the Imperial 
mind and inspire his Majesty's heart. 

Japanese poems are often very short, but they have a 
profound depth of meaning. As Japanese pictures often 
delineate the depth of nature by a branch of a bamboo or one 
or two blossoms of a plant, so do Japanese poems try to 
speak out the bottom of one's heart in a few lines, leaving 
many accessory ideas to be imagined by the reader's mind. 
In the following pages I have printed some sixteen of the 
Emperor's effusions, with my own very imperfect transla- 
tions of them into English. It is most difficult to convey in 
English form the nicety of diction and depth of feeling 

1 The second portion of this chapter first appeared in The Nine- 
teenth Century and After, April, 1905, under the title " The Heart of 
the Mikado." 

257 S 



THE RISEN SUN 

which distinguish Japanese poetry, and my translation is 
but a mere outhne of the meaning — httle more than a prose 
rendering, devoid of anything approaching the rhyme or 
rhythm — of the original. Had I sought the help of some one 
skilled in English poetry I might have evolved something 
that would have better pleased the Occidental ear, but the 
product would have been, in a way, artificial, and the crispness 
of expression which gives a charm to the Japanese version 
would have been obliterated. I have therefore ventured to 
follow my own plan, ineffective as I know it to be, adher- 
ing as closely as I could to the Imperial text, in the hope 
that it may win some favour by its simplicity and fidelity to 
the model. 

It should perhaps be explained that poems of this class 
must consist, as a rule, of thirty-one syllables, neither more 
nor less, and the poet is therefore given no freedom as to the 
length of his work. Moreover, the syllables must be arranged 
in a given order — viz., in the first line, five ; second, seven ; 
third, five ; fourth and fifth, seven each — total, thirty-one. 
Hence these are termed thirty-one syllable poems. (The 
terminal n, which was originally a contraction of mu and is 
pronounced distinctly, is regarded as one syllable.) 

I 

Yomo no umi 

Mina harakara to 

Omoo yo ni 

Nado ! nami-kaze no 

Tachi-sawaguran. 

{Translation) 

Whereas I deem this as an age 

Wherein the " four seas " in brotherhood are bound. 

How is it that the fierce winds rage, 

And dash and spread the waves around ? 

The " four seas " is a poetical expression signifying the 
whole world. There is a Chinese phrase — " The four seas 
in brotherhood." His Majesty sees that, despite the doctrine 
of universal brotherhood, the peace of the world is liable to 
sudden derangement by capricious rulers, and conveys a 
censure on those who for vanity or greed disturb the harmony 
of nations. 

258 



^ 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

2 

Kora wa mina 
Ikusa no niwa ni 
Idehatete 
Okina ya hitori 
Yamada moruran. 

(Translation) 
I suppose all sons to the front are gone, 
To do their duty all under arms. 
And their old sire at home alone 
Guards and watches their lonely farms. 

Here we have the evidence of the sovereign's sympathy 
with a rustic household. The younger men have gone to fight 
for the country ; their aged sire keeps watch alone over their 
humble possessions. The allusion betrays the infinite 
tenderness of the Emperor for those who put duty to country 
and ruler before everything. 

3 

Yume samete 

Mazu koso omoye ■' ':< 

Ikusa-bito 

Mukaishi kata no 

Tayori ikani to. 

(Translation) 
Each time from sleep I awake, 
One thought comes up at once to me. 
How matters go there, where is gone 
So many a warrior for my sake. 

This perfectly expresses the Imperial solicitude for the 
troops at the front, fighting for their revered sovereign. 

4 
Chibaya furu 
Kami no kokoro ni 
Kanooran 

Waga kuni-tami no 
Tsukusu makoto wa. 

(Translation) 
The Power above, so stern and just. 
Gladly approves, as I dare think, 
The sweet sincereness of my people, 
So earnest their devoir to do. 

259 



THE RISEN SUN 

Thus does his Majesty show his appreciation of his people's 
loyalty and patriotism. 

5 
Kuni no tame 
Ada nasu ada wo 
Kujiku tomo 
Itsukushimu beki 
Koto na wasure so. 

(Translation) 
Hard as thou strikest, for thy land, 
The ruthless foe that bars our path. 
Forget not, at the hour of need 
The mercy's way the heart dictates. 

This embodies the Emperor's ideas of humanity in war. 

6 
Ikusa-bito 
Ikanaru nobe ni 
Akasuran 

Ka no koye shigeku 
Nareru kono yo wo. 

{Translation) 
The night it is far spent. 
The insects keep a glowing hum, 
In what unsheltered places now 
My soldiers do they spend their night ? 

In the oppressive atmosphere of the summer night the 
Emperor's thoughts are for his wearied soldiers bivouacked 
on some battle plain. 

7 
Matsuri-goto 
Idete kiku ma wa 
Kaku bakari 
Atsuki hi nari to 
Omowazarishi wo. 

(Translation) 
This day, when deep in things of state. 
The things that I am bound to do. 
Little did it occur to me 
How very hot the day had grown. 

This is an Imperial effusion on a summer day after he had 
attended State affairs. We may gather from it how, in his 

260 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

eagerness to fulfil his duties, his Majesty becomes oblivious 
of the summer's burdensome heat. The idea may be quite 
Oriental, and yet we can perceive a delicate poetical feeling 
out of a simple matter of fact which in an ordinary sense 
would have no poetry in it. 

8 
Tsuwamono no 
Kokoro to tomo ni 
Noru koma mo 
Tsukaruru shirade 
lya susumuran. 

{Translation) 
In strictest bond, we may be sure, 
With his undaunted rider's mind. 
The soldier's steed still charges on 
And knows not or fatigue or fear. 

A graceful recognition of the sympathy existing between 
horse and rider. 

9 

Kuni no tame 
Taoreshi hito wo 
Oshimu ni mo 
Omoo wa oya no 
Kokoro nari keri. 

{Translation) 
Even as I silently lament 
For those who for their country fall, 
I stop, and can but ask myself, 
What do their fathers and mothers feel ? 

Another example of the Emperor's tender solicitude for 
his people. 

lO 

Hashi-i shite 
Tsuki miru hodo mo 
Tatakai no 
Niwa no arisama 
Omoi yari tsutsu. 

{Translation) 
Even while seated in my balcony, 
I gaze at Luna shining bright, 
My thoughts carry me far away 
To the scene where battles rage. 
261 



THE RISEN SUN 

This shows that even while his Majesty, sitting casually at 
the front of a balcony amid the most peaceful surroundings, 
gazes at the moon, he cannot forget that his troops are waging 
warfare for the country, and he cannot fail contemplatively to 
imagine the state of the battlefield. Perhaps his men may be 
advancing against the enemy's impregnable forts, or perhaps 
the moon's light may be pathetically reflecting on those men 
who might have fallen in the field, or perhaps ambulance 
companies may be conveying the sick and wounded, or the 
troops may be innocently and joyously gazing at the moon 
from an eminence which they have just captured. All 
these scenes are suggestive of the Imperial imagination ; and 
these are to be imagined by the reader. 

II 

Kuni wo omoo 
Michi ni futatsu wa 
.- Nakari keri 

Ikusa no niwa ni 
Tatsu mo tatanu mo ! 

{Translation) 
Some may stand on the battlefield. 
And some — God wot — may stay at home, 
But all the souls that love their land 
Are all the same where'er they be. 

A man may be a patriot though not called on to serve his 
coimtryin the field ; and thus his Majesty expresses herein 
his apppreciation of the patriotic feeling of his people at 
large. 

12 

Masurao ni " 
Hata wo sazukete 
Omoo kana 
Hinomoto no na wo 
Kagayakasu beku ! 

{Translation) 
When from my trusting hand the flag 
Is given unto my faithful men 
My heart mounts high ; the rising sun 
Will surely bring it fame and light. 

This is an effusion when, or immediately after, his Majesty 
has given a military banner, regimental or otherwise to the 

262 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

officers of the Imperial army. The fact that the emblem of 
our flag is the rising sun suggested to his Majesty that the 
fame of the " Land of the Rising Sun " might shine as brightly 
as the rising sun itself through the brave and indomitable 
actions of the men going to the front under that flag. 



13 
Shizuka ni mo 
Yo wa osamarite 
Yorokobi no 
Sakazuki agen 
Toki zo mataruru ! 

(Translation) 

O for that time when joys of peace 
Shall fill again a peaceful world ! 
Then shall I lift the wine cup high, 
O for that time, I long for it ! 

This is an Imperial effusion over a wine-cup. It was 
inevitable that Japan should engage in the present war, but 
the Emperor is a sincere advocate of peace. A monarch 
may describe himself to be such, not being so in practice, but 
the Emperor of Japan is very different. He does not care to 
wage war for simple purposes of aggression, or at least from 
wanton motives. He is anxious to see the peace of the world 
at large restored in the due course of events, when the " four 
seas," as he says elsewhere, may be truly bound in brother- 
hood. 

14 

Tsuwamono no 

Kate mo magusa mo 

Hakoburan 

Ushi mo ikusa no 

Michi ni tsukayete ! 

(Translation) 

Food for my men 

And fodder for their steeds ; 

In carrying ungrudgingly 

Even the oxen in warfare serve. 

The Emperor here realizes that the humblest play their 
part, even the oxen, in the service of the State. 

263 



THE RISEN SUN 

15 

Kuni no tame 
Furuishi fude no 
Inochi-ge no 
Ato koso nokore 
Yorozu yo made ni ! 

{Translation) 
The traces left by " life-hairs " of pens 
That were handled by patriotic hands 
Shall endure for thousands and thousands of years, 
Remembered and admired ever afresh. 

This refers to the Japanese brush-pens. " Inochi-ge," 
literally, " life-hairs," is the name given to the point of the 
brush that forms the Japanese pen. There are many writings 
left by patriots from the time gone by, and also during the 
present war countless effusions, poetical or otherwise, have 
been left by soldiers and sailors who fell on the field. It is 
not plain from the wording what are the kinds of writing 
referred to by the Emperor, but the allusion seem to apply 
in general to all writings of the kind. 

16 
Inishiye no 
Fumi miru tabi ni 
Omoo kana 
Ono ga osamuru 
Kuni wa ikani to ! 

{Translation) 
Whenever I open 
The ancient Books, 
The one thing I ponder is, 
How goes it with the people I rule ? 

The last poem is one composed by his Majesty years ago. 
It aptly conveys an idea of his career as a true sovereign. 
If a book speaks of any prosperous Administration full of 
instruction, it can, of course, be an important guidance for 
a sovereign to follow the example. If, on the other hand, it 
speaks of a bad Government or the misery of a people caused 
by any negligence of the ruler, it can give a negative lesson to 
a sovereign, whose duty it is to look after the welfare of his 
subjects. And so the Emperor thinks of the people he 
rules whenever he peruses any books of the time gone by ; and 
thus he gives the bent of his thoughts in these lines. 

264 



HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR 

Here, then, we get some outline of the process of 
thought in the Emperor's soul. In writing this I have not 
the least idea of glorifying my sovereign. All that I purport 
to show is that he is as benign and humane as any monarch 
can be, though at the same time he is equal to the task of 
vindicating the right of the country so far as it is necessary. 
I may also add that the sentiments expressed in these Im- 
perial verses pervade the hearts of the great majority of 
the Japanese people ; and yet our opponents constantly 
accuse us of being in some sort unworthy of sharing the 
civilization of the Western nations, and even go so far as to 
stigmatize us as being '' savage'* and " wild" — as has been 
done quite recently by no less a person than Count Tolstoy, 
the son of the eminent Russian noble and philanthropist. 
Whether or not such accusations are mere ignorant cal- 
umnies I leave to my readers to judge. 



265 



BOOK III 
Some External Relations 



CHAPTER I 

CHINESE EXPANSION HISTORICALLY REVIEWED^ 

I 

General Survey 

LOOKING at a map of the world, one will at once see 
how vast is the Chinese Empire. There was a time 
when it was even more vast than at present. The expansion 
of China is an important subject in history, but its limit was 
reached long ago. How that expansion was brought about 
and how that limit was reached is a matter which it might 
interest many of us to know. 

I will not go back to the remotest periods, or seek to make 
any ethnological investigations as to the races that originally 
occupied the regions which have come under the sovereignty 
of China, or which, at least, have been included in the sphere 
of her influence ; for were we to do so, we might find there 
was a time when both Mongolians and Chinese belonged to 
the same race ; or, if we were to go farther back still, it might 
appear that both these and many other peoples living quite 
outside Chinese influence originally belonged to the same 
stock. But these connexions are too remote and obscure^ 
and have no important bearing on the proposition I am about 
to make. It is sufficient for my purpose to trace the growth 
of the Chinese Empire within the limits of the records which 
we possess — chiefly in the literature of China itself — and that, 
too, of a very appreciable antiquity. 

It is a well-known fact that China is one of the most 
ancient countries of the world. The Chow dynasty ruled 
in the period when we begin to find reliable records, and 

1 A paper read at the Central Asian Society January ii, 1905- 

269 



THE RISEN SUN 

the beginning of that dynasty dates back twelve centuries 
B.C. The period preceding that d5masty had been a very 
long one, but of it we have no reliable records. It is mainly 
regarded as the legendary state of Chinese history ; and yet 
there are some records relating to twenty-three centuries 
B.C. There is good foundation, moreover, for believing those 
documents to be genuine records, from the mathematical 
calculations made by many experts in such matters, relating 
to astronomical events recorded in those documents, and 
which all go to confirm their accuracy. 

In studying the old documents and history of China, the 
heart of China in the earliest period is seen to have been 
located somewhere far up the river Hoang-ho. Those who 
have studied the evolution of the alphabet tell us that the 
Hoang-ho is one of three remarkable rivers on the banks of 
which the three original systems of recording impressions 
were invented — the Egyptian writing on the Nile, the Cunei- 
form beside the streams of Mesopotamia, and the Chinese on 
the Hoang-ho — and that the hundreds of existing systems of 
writing now in use are really derivatives of these three, 
however varied and modified they may be. 

The area of the original centre of China was very limited, 
but its sphere of influence and activity gradually spread, 
generation after generation, as its civilization developed and 
extended to the surrounding regions. This extension was 
carried on with but little intermission through successive 
centuries, until at last a vast Empire, more or less compact, 
had arisen from the agglomeration. The one peculiarity 
of this extension is that, roughly speaking, it has not been 
the result of aggressive conquest. China has always been 
on the defensive, and it is the surrounding peoples who have 
always assumed the offensive against her. The conquests 
China has made have in reality been the effect of the influence 
of her civilization. Neighbouring peoples came and attacked 
China, but they soon were amalgamated with the Chinese 
through the influence of the latter 's civilization, and then 
became sinicized. There was always a marked difference 
of degree between the civilization of the inhabitants of the 
centre of China and that of her neighbours, so that the 
moment the latter came in contact with the Chinese they 
discovered their inferiority, and whatever sort of primitive 
civilization they might have had amongst themselves was 

270 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

soon eclipsed by the higher Chinese civihzation, and they 
became Chinese. 

The fact that China has no proper and permanent name 
for herself, except the names of the successive dynasties, 
goes a long way to explain this state of things. Such terms 
as the " Central Flowery Land," or the " Middle Land," are 
no more than mere fanciful appellations, and the very term 
China is only a name by which she came to be called by out- 
siders. There is some resemblance between the romani- 
zation of Europe and the sinization of Eastern Asia, but the 
nature of the process, as well as the ultimate results achieved, 
was very different. 

We know that in Tibet letters were imported only early 
in the seventh century a.d. In Mongolia letters were intro- 
duced only in the middle of the thirteenth century a.d., and 
in Manchuria several centuries afterwards. All this marks 
the great difference that existed in the degree of civilization 
between these peoples and the Chinese, who a long, long time 
before had possessed a very advanced literature of their own. 
Broadly speaking, the modern China Proper is that part of 
the Empire which is bounded by the Great Wall in the north, 
and excludes Central Asia and Tibet on the west and Cochin 
China on the south. But for many centuries in the Chinese 
history this so-called China Proper was not one compact 
nation, because even in the time of the Chow dynasty neither 
the part which surrounds Peking on the north, nor the regions 
around Kansu, nor, above all, the regions which are situated 
south of the Yang-tse river, nor even some zones on the left 
bank of that river, were strictly regarded as China Proper. 
They were then included in the general category of the " land 
of the barbarians." All the characters in Chinese represent- 
ing them in generic form are to be translated as "barbarians," 
and the Chinese themselves also understood them in that 
sense from very early, if not actually from the earliest times. 

Originally those characters had probably a less pronounced 
meaning. Perhaps they meant people outside their own civili- 
zation, or perhaps some of the characters only represented 
the names of the tribes. Even if this was so, the fact that 
the people living in those regions were not to be regarded as 
belonging to the same community as the Chinese is most plain 
from ancient records. Nevertheless, in those surrounding 
regions there arose several compact communities, which after- 

271 



THE RISEN SUN 

wards became kingdoms, though no recognition of their 
status as kingdoms was ever made by China. For instance, 
toward the latter part of the Chow dynasty there arose on the 
banks of the Yang-tse a large community called " Chu." It 
was to all intents and purposes a kingdom, and, as a matter 
of fact, the chief of that community was called a King among 
his own people, though the word " King " did not necessarily 
mean an independent Sovereign of an independent State. 
But that chief was only styled a Baron by the Court of 
Chow, " Baron " being the lowest of five classes of titles by 
which the heads of different principalities were privileged 
to be called. 

The Chow djmasty arose, according to the ordinary 
chronicles, in the latter part of the twelfth century B.C., 
and came to an end in the middle of the third century B.C. 
Under the Chow dynasty many principalities came into 
existence, both within and without what was then the heart 
of China. The authority of the Central Government appears 
not to have been thoroughly exercised ; but from the fact 
that such principalities existed, the political system of the 
Empire may be called a feudal system, though the system 
cannot be said to have been identical with that which existed 
in Europe. 

There are many documentary records to show that the 
original Chow dynasty had much trouble in its earlier years 
from barbarians on its western borders, localities which" are 
situated within the boundaries of modern China Proper. The 
dynasty was exterminated by these barbarians in the 
earlier part of the eighth century B.C., the last Emperor of its 
line having been murdered by them. The Eastern Chow suc- 
ceeded, but the Imperial authority was significantly on the 
wane. The whole period of the Eastern Chow dynasty is 
divided into two, the earlier part being called the " Spring 
and Autumn Period," because that period corresponds 
roughly with the period which is covered by the chronicle of 
the " Spring and Autumn " (Chun-chu), edited by Con- 
fucius ; and the latter part is called the " Fighting States 
Period ": (Chan-kue), because it was a time when China was 
split up between different States, and fighting was continually 
going on between them. 

From the point of view of intellectual cultivation, the 
latter part of the " Spring and Autumn Period " and the 

272 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

*' Fighting States Period " are the most brilHant epochs of 
Chinese history, because, as we see, in those days all sorts 
of mental activity were manifested in China. Not only 
from the scholastic and philosophical point of view, but 
also from a military point of view, that period gave to China 
guiding principles for the benefit of all posterity. During 
the fighting period the various minor principalities became 
swallowed up by the mightier ones, until at last China was 
unified under Chin. The Eastern Chow, which had had 
an existence only in name for centuries had been totally 
extinguished some thirty years before. It is to be noticed 
that Chin and Chu themselves had been regarded in former 
times as barbarians, but their power obtained supreme recog- 
nition during the "Spring and Autumn Period," as well as 
in the " Fighting States Period." 

Roughly speaking, the unification of the Empire under 
the Chin dynasty comprised the modern China Proper. 
The Chin dynasty was a powerful one, and its founder was 
one of the strongest rulers of China. It is even presumed 
that the name " China," which has come to denote the 
Empire of China, was first derived from the name of this 
dynasty. Its founder abolished the feudal system, and 
divided the Empire into districts, which were governed by 
State deputies, and not by hereditary princes. Yet, strong 
as this dynasty was, it was gravely harassed by the invasions 
of the barbarians from the north. It was then that the 
great General Mung-tien was dispatched with 300,000 men 
to fight the northern barbarians, and constructed defensive 
works to repel their advance, which resulted in that signal 
wonder of the world, the Great Wall of China. Even that 
powerful dynasty never thought of extending its dominions 
toward the north ; its only object was to prevent outsiders 
from coming south. The Chin dynasty, which its founder 
hoped to maintain for many generations — inasmuch as he 
called himself Chin-huang-ti, meaning the first Emperor, and 
decreed that all his successors should be known by their 
cardinal numbers in due rotation — came to an end soon 
after his death ; and one of the chief causes of this was the 
exhaustion of the power of the Empire and the discontent of 
the people at large on account of the tremendous sacrifices 
and labour involved in the building of the famous Great 
Wall. 

273 T 



THE RISEN SUN 

Under the Han dynasty that followed — i.e. from the 
end of the third century B.C. until the third century a.d. — 
the history of China, though containing some brilliant records 
of internal development is mainly the story of continual 
struggles against the northern barbarians — great expeditions 
and often great reverses and humiliations. We read of a great 
emperor himself being besieged by them, and only escaping 
from being made a prisoner by enormous bribery. Whole 
armies suffered defeat, and, with their generals, were taken 
prisoners. Imperial messengers were kept in detention, 
and there is a sad story of a Court lady, described as a prin- 
cess, being surrendered in marriage to a barbarian chieftain. 
Giving treasure in the shape of bribes, or handing over a 
princess in marriage, were methods of pacifying the bar- 
barians which grew very common in all the later periods. 

The northern barbarians whom I have described above 
were chiefly those called " Hung-nu " by the Chinese and 
" Huns " by Western writers. Their detailed history is 
not known, but we may presume that they were not much 
advanced in civilization, though, compared with the modern 
natives living in the same locality, they had more courage, 
more organization, and somewhat more cohesive forces. 
They did not necessarily belong to one community. Some- 
times there were many tribes co-existing, and sometimes one 
of them absorbed all, or nearly all, the others. We also find 
it recorded that they presently became, after having once 
amalgamated, divided into two sections, called the South 
and the North Huns. From about the middle of the Han 
dynasty, they appear to have turned their chief activity 
towards the west, and gradually to have made their way, 
some to India and some to lands still farther westward. 
From the fact that the Great Wall extended from Liautung 
Bay far away towards Central Asia, it seems certain that the 
Huns of those days occupied a very wide space of territory 
north and west of China. 

After having passed through the troubled period of the 
so-called Three States epoch, China was once more unified 
under the Chin dynasty, but a large zone within the Great 
Wall passed into the hands of the northern intruders in its 
earlier years. This was followed by the rising of several new 
States, one after another, in the north and north-western 
parts of China, most of them being of barbarian origin. Chin 

274 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

at last fell under their pressure, and was followed by the 
period known as the " Period of the South and North 
Dynasties," the latter, which were mostly of barbarian origin, 
being preponderant. 

The North and South dynasties were unified under the 
Sui dynasty towards the end of the sixth century a.d. It 
is about this time that the barbarians known as the Tuku- 
Hun (a tribe in Kokonor) seem to have begun giving trouble 
to China, for we find a princess was given in marriage by 
the Sui Emperor to their chief, and later on during the same 
dynasty several raids are recorded to have been made by 
them. They appear to have occupied the borderland of 
modern Tibet ; some think they were the same, or part of 
the same, people who were known a little later by the name 
of Tufan, who were no other than the modern Tibetans. 
There was trouble also with the northern barbarians, called 
Tu-Chueh (Turks), as well as with Korea, with which country 
I shall deal separately. The Sui dynasty was followed by 
the T'ang dynasty in the beginning of the seventh century 
T'ang was one of the most brilliant dynasties of China, 
especially as regards the earlier part of it, the second Emperor 
being truly a great monarch. Under him China shone with 
a great lustre, and yet even this dynasty was not free from 
much serious trouble at the hands of the barbarians. On 
the north the same Tu-Chueh made several raids during the 
reign of the first Emperor, and they were repeated in the 
reign of the second Emperor. It was only by the strenuous 
efforts of the second Emperor that victory was in some 
measure achieved. At first a temporary peace was bought 
by the humiliating method of giving a princess in marriage to 
the chief of the barbarians, as well as much treasure. On 
the west also the Tufans gave much trouble ; so did also 
the Wuigur, a neighbouring tribe of the Tufans. The 
locality of the Tufans' habitation in those days was in the 
main the same as modern Tibet; perhaps it may have extended 
somewhat more towards the Chinese boundary. Great 
Sovereign as the second Emperor undoubtedly was, and 
brilliant and prosperous as China had at that time become 
under the new dynasty, even he at last thought it best to 
make peace with the invaders. > The Tibet of those days 
was ruled as a kingdom, the name of its Chief or King 
being Sron-btsan-sgampo. He seems to have been a shrewd 

275 



THE RISEN SUN 

and able man. To him the Emperor gave a princess to wed, 
and in allying him to his house concluded a peace. 

The T'ang dynasty, as we have seen, had much trouble 
in the west, but it had still more on the north-west and north. 
The barbarians thence made repeated and sanguinary raids. 
The earlier of these hordes were designated the Tu-Chueh, 
but the later ones were known by the name of Kit tan. 
Both of them were probably offshoots of the Huns. It 
seems that the Tu-Chueh grew in strength as the earlier 
Huns migrated westwards, and then the Kittan appear in 
turn to have eclipsed them. We see it recorded during this 
time that well-known Chinese generals were dispatched to 
fight these barbarians, and also that a statesman of high 
repute was dispatched as Imperial Ambassador to make 
peace, only to be detained and murdered. 

After the T'ang dynasty came the Period of the Five 
Dynasties, during the first part of the tenth century. Three 
out of these five dynasties were of barbarian origin, they 
having been founded by men who sprang from some regions 
outside the Great Wall, though they seem to have been 
already much sinicized. It was at this time that Kittan, 
which had arisen in Manchuria, rapidly grew into a mighty 
Power. As a matter of fact, Cathay, by which the Westerners 
of the Middle Ages called China, or Kitaiski, by which the 
Russians do the same, seems to have been no other than a 
corruption of Kittan. Its Chief adopted the title of 
Emperor, and called the dynasty the Great Liau, the Liau 
being the same as the Chinese character for Liau, 
in Liautung. It rose in power rapidly, and before the Period 
of the Five Dynasties came to an end it had expanded right 
up to the Great Wall, and, moreover, a large portion within 
the Great Wall had been ceded to it by one of the Five 
Dynasties. The last of the Five Dynasties was succeeded 
by the Sung dynasty, which commenced a little after the 
middle of the tenth century and ended in the early part 
of the twelfth century a.d. 

During the Sung dynasty the Kittan — i.e., Liau -grew 
stronger, and became a source of constant uneasiness and 
danger to China. The dominion of Liau extended from 
the north to well inside the Great Wall, comprising the 
regions belonging to modern Pechihli, or even more. It 
was to all intents and purposes a well-organized empire. 

276 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

It lasted over one hundred years, having had ten emperors 
in succession. Side by side with it there arose another 
mighty power, called the Kin, from the shores of the Japan 
sea. It fought hard against the Liau, and it at last destroyed 
them in the earlier part of the twelfth century, and then 
having made itself master of the territories occupied by 
the Liau, it fought against China. In a short time it 
overran the northern part of China ; the last two Emperors 
of Sung were taken prisoners in quick succession, and both 
were carried into the interior of Manchuria, and kept in 
custody in a castle called Wukuocheng, where they ulti- 
mately died. Thus the Sung dynasty came to an end. 

Yet another empire, with the name of Hia, had arisen 
in the region adjoining the western part of the Great Wall, 
also giving much trouble to the Sung dynasty, whilst the 
Cochins raided in the south. On the fall of the Sung dynasty, 
the Southern Sung dynasty established itself in the south 
of China. But Kin had become a great Chinese power. 
It was no longer a northern barbarian State. In many 
senses it may be said to have become a real Chinese dynasty. 
But even while Kin was contesting in China Proper with the 
Southern Sung dynasty, there arose behind Kin yet another 
Power in the north from the banks of the Onon, in the modern 
Transbaikal province of Russia, which was no other than the 
mighty Mongolian Empire, under the leadership of the great 
Genghiskhan. Thus the Kin had an enemy both in the front 
and in the rear — the decaying but still active Chinese dynasty 
in its front, and the Mongolians at its back. Kin was finally 
destroyed by the Mongolians in 1234, having lasted 180 years, 
with ten emperors in succession. It now became a struggle 
between the Mongolians and the Southern Sung dynasty. 
Towards the latter part of the thirteenth century the Southern 
Sung dynasty was finally destroyed by the Mongolians, who 
at last came to govern the whole of China under Kublaikhan, 
grandson of Genghiskhan, and the dynasty was named 
Yuen. 

The Yuen dynasty lasted until a little after the middle 
of the fourteenth century. Whilst their relatives and old 
compatriots were still doing great things in other direc- 
tions, the Mongolians, who had established the Yuen dynasty 
in China, adapted themselves to the ways of China, and 
adopted all Chinese institutions as their own, except that 

277 



THE RISEN SUN 

they introduced the Lamaism of Tibet, not only into Mon- 
goHa, but also into China, which did more harm than good 
to the Imperial cause. Powerful as the dynasty was at 
first, it failed to become a firmly consolidated empire, and 
in the earlier part of the fourteenth century much discontent 
manifested itself among the people, and the Empire fell 
again upon evil days, until at last its place was taken by 
the Ming dynasty, a little before the middle of the fourteenth 
century. The Ming dynasty reigned in China until the 
middle of the seventeenth century, after which the prestige 
of their rule was only maintained by Kokusenya 
(Coxinga), a loyal subject of the Ming dynasty and half 
Japanese, who established a kingdom in Formosa, 
still paying allegiance to the memory of the late Ming 
dynasty, and setting the new Tartar dynasty for some time 
at defiance. The Ming dynasty was a weak one, and it 
suffered all along the eastern coasts from a succession of 
so-called Japanese attacks, though they were in no sense 
authorized Japanese forces that ravaged the Chinese shores ; 
but they were very powerful, and it seems that many 
Chinese subjects joined them. The blow inflicted on the 
Ming dynasty was a dangerous one ; so also was the invasion 
of Korea by the Japanese troops of Hideyoshi, as the Mings 
cast in their lot with Korea. Above all, there arose the 
Tartar dynasty of Manchuria. This Tartar dynasty originated 
somewhere in Manchuria at a place called Odoli, and grew 
in power in the same fashion as the Liau and Kin had done. 
Having made repeated attacks on China, it at last destroyed 
the Ming dynasty, and subjugated the whole of China under 
its yoke ; it is the present ruling dynasty of China, and the 
name of this dynasty is Tsing. 

I may here mention that the Liau made Peking its chief 
capital, and so did the Kin. The Ming dynasty, which was 
a proper Chinese dynasty hailing from the south, also kept its 
Court mostly at Peking, though Nanking was also its capital. 
The present dynasty, as every one knows, removed its 
capital from Manchuria to Peking, and thus Peking, al- 
though situated in a region which in ancient times was only 
a barbarian country, has become the great centre of China, 
and one of the largest capitals of the world ; and I need not 
say that the present dynasty has entirely adopted the Chinese 
notions of civilization and all Chinese institutions, though 

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CHINESE EXPANSION 

some precautions are taken to maintain Manchnrian influence 
in every public department. This was only natural, because 
the degree of Tartar civilization seems to have been very 
low, and one thing is certain — namely, that through amal- 
gamation with China the Tartar nation has almost lost its 
distinctive existence. 

On the western side, towards Central Asia and Tibet, 
Chinese influence was gradually extended, especially under 
the Mongolian djmasty, and later on under the Tartar 
dynasty. On the south, Tonking, Annam, Siam, and 
Burmah, also came to be influenced by China, more especially 
under the Mongolian and the Tartar dynasties. But in 
all these places China's influence has been of a loose nature, 
and not permanent or preponderant. The limit of her 
expansion was reached long ago, and for some time past it 
has been decidedly and rapidly waning, as I shall here- 
after show. 



II 

KOREAN PENINSULA AND MANCHURIA 

I WOULD now invite your attention to the Korean 
peninsula, the Liautung peninsula, Manchuria, and Siberia. 
Amongst these territories the Korean peninsula seems at 
one time to have attained in its civilization a degree far 
superior to other regions in the northern as well as western 
and southern boundaries of China. 

The Korean peninsula has formed for centuries a compact 
kingdom, having a well-defined boundary on the north, in 
the same shape as it has now ; but one must not think that 
it has always been so. The first mention made in Chinese 
history of the peninsula is at the beginning of the Chow 
dynasty — i.e., the eleventh century B.C., when it was known 
by the name of Chowsen. The first emperor of that d5masty 
is reported to have sent Kitsu, a wise man and an uncle of 
the last emperor of the preceding dynasty, to that region, 
and empowered him to rule it as king. His descendants 
continued to exercise the same prerogatives down to the 

279 



THE RISEN SUN 

beginning of the second century B.C., when the Ki family 
is reported to have been put an end to, and another Chowsen 
kingdom was estabUshed. 

It is impossible to define the exact area of the region 
which was comprised within the compass of Chowsen, either 
in its earlier stage or in the later one, but the most trust- 
worthy views are that it extended on the north far into the 
interior towards the Liau river, or that it was gradually 
extended so far, and that at one time it included the modern 
Yingkow. And this seems the more likely to be true, inas- 
much as the heads of Kau-ku-li some time later received 
from China on one or two occasions the title of Prince of 
Liautung. But on the south it does not appear to have 
reached much beyond the Tatung river, on which the 
modern Pingyang is situated. According to the Korean 
account, Kitsu established his capital at Pingyang. The 
Koreans credit Kitsu with having initiated everything in the 
direction of civilization, and revere him accordingly. His 
tomb is to be seen in Pingyang, and it is still reverently 
preserved by the Koreans. That tomb, however, is said 
to have been discovered after much research by the founder 
of a later Korean dynasty — namely, Kau-li — at the begin- 
ning of the twelfth century A.D. We cannot, therefore, 
state how far the early history is exact, but there is no ground 
to doubt its general accuracy. The second Chowsen king- 
dom was destroyed by China at the end of the second century 
B.C., in the reign of the fifth and very able Emperor of the 
Han dynasty. In the meantime, in the southern part of 
the peninsula several kingdoms came into existence. In 
the north, where was situated the former Chowsen kingdom, 
another kingdom sprang into prominence, named Kau-ku-li. 
There were many vicissitudes among the southern kingdoms, 
but they were generally three in number. 

With all these kingdoms, more especially the southern 
ones, Japan had frequent connexion in the early centuries 
of the Christian era, and the intercourse became much 
more extended and its effects multiplied in the sixth and 
seventh centuries. It would be idle for me here to recite 
the whole history of our relationship with these kingdoms, 
but I may sum it up by saying that Japan's historical 
interest in Korea is of very ancient date. At one time 
intruders from the Korean peninsula infested Kiushiu, 

280 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

and the Japanese delivered vigorous counter-attacks on the 
peninsula in order to repress them at their bases, and so 
secure permanent peace. Again, at one time Japan de- 
rived her civilization from China chiefly through Korea, 
as the Japanese went there and their people came to Japan 
for purposes of study and the acquisition of learning. There 
was, it is important to note, a period when one or other of 
these kingdoms was directly under Japanese rule, Japan 
having her government estabhshments on the continent for 
the purpose. 

At the beginning of the seventh century a.d. some com- 
plications arose between the Sui dynasty of China and 
Kau-ku-li, and the former sent expeditions against the latter ; 
the Chinese emperor once commanded in person, but the 
expedition proved an entire failure. 

Toward the latter part of the reign of the great second 
emperor of the T'ang dynasty of China another expedition 
against Kau-ku-li was undertaken by China, the origin of 
which is reported to have been that one of the southern 
kingdoms was menaced by Kau-ku-li and asked China's 
help. That expedition also did not prove successful, but 
in the reign of the next emperor Kau-ku-li was destroyed 
by the combined effort of China and one of the southern 
kingdoms above mentioned. Kau-ku-li changed its capital 
several times, but Pingyang and Kiu-lien-cheng were in 
their turn the two principal seats of government. 

In the beginning of the tenth century a.d. another king- 
dom, called Kau-li, arose on the old ruins of Kau-ku-li. 
This is the origin of the name Korea, by which the peninsular 
kingdom came to be known to the nations of the West. The 
Chinese characters which represent Kau-li and the Kau and li 
of Kau-ku-li are identical ; hence they are often confused even 
in Oriental books, but the terms are quite distinct from one 
another, although Kau-li might possibly have been taken 
in the first place from Kau-ku-H. The whole Korean 
peninsula was unified by Kau-li in the earlier part of the 
tenth century a.d. 

The kingdom of Kau-li came to an end towards the end 
of the fourteenth century, and was replaced by another 
which revived in itself the ancient name of Chowsen. This 
latter is the present reigning family of Korea. It seems 
that the region north of the Yalu was lost to Korea in the latter 

281 



THE RISEN SUN 

days of Kau-ku-li, when that kingdom came to an end, and 
its territory was divided between Shinlo and China. Korea 
has never regained it ; on the contrary, she always had on 
the north to struggle from time to time with powerful oppo- 
nents who arose in the regions of Manchuria, and to these 
in the end she had necessarily to submit. 

As to the general relationship between China Proper and 
the Korean peninsula, it seems that the latter had usually 
a leaning towards the former, excepting in regard to her 
close connexion with Japan. It was only natural that this 
should be so, because Korea's civilization was also derived 
from China, and that, too, as I said before, in even a greater 
degree than other regions that were close to China ; hence 
they felt a natural deference to China. 

Nevertheless, Korea had occasional troubles with China, 
and this was especially the case with its northern part — i.e. 
the kingdom of Kau-ku-li. These troubles, however, cannot 
be attributed to any agressive ambition of the Chinese, for 
their causes and circumstances as a rule proved the exact 
opposite. At the worst, the decision of China in each case 
was arrived at more for the sake of restoring her damaged 
prestige than with any idea of accomplishing territorial 
expansion. 

As to the regions farther to the north — that is to say, 
modern Manchuria and the maritime provinces of Siberia — 
we do not know much about them ; but, as I have shown 
already, the Huns seem to have been living there in the 
Chin and Han dynasties, and were even then a very strong 
combination. But the exact boundaries which they had 
under their sway are not known, except that their dominion 
seems to have extended from Manchuria far to the west. 
The parts of the region surrounding Yingkow and Liau- 
yang from time to time belonged to China, but no permanent 
hold was maintained. 

In the north (in the regions of the modern maritime pro- 
vinces and Harbin) there were two great hordes of Machieh. 
The southern one of these is said to have gradually extended 
far into Southern Manchuria. In the beginning of the 
eighth century we see there was a principality called Pohai ; 
that principality is said to have been identical with the 
Southern Machieh. The name is very often mentioned in 
Japanese history, Japan having now and then had some deal- 

282 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

ings with it. The modern Liautung Bay is sometimes 
called Pohai Bay, and this would imply that the principality 
had extended to the coast of that bay. It seems to have 
formed a regular State, but it also, after the lapse of some 
centuries, disappeared into oblivion. 

There was another State, which was sometimes known as 
Shushen, sometimes Nuchen, and sometimes Nuchih. It 
was probably situated in or near the part of Siberia which 
is called the Maritime Province. This State afterwards 
actually developed into the Kin dynasty of China. We see 
in history several other names having some connexion with 
these regions — that is to say, modern Manchuria and the 
maritime province of Siberia — but it is almost impossible 
to make accurate statements about them. It appears that 
in many cases one and the same region belonged in succession 
to different tribal associations, some of which gradually 
became very powerful forces, as we have already seen in 
such cases as those of Liau and Kin. We must also note 
that not only did the inhabitants of these regions come into 
close contact with the Chinese, but they also had much 
fighting amongst themselves, as well as against some of the 
Powers which properly belonged to the Korean peninsula. 

On the whole, however, I can safely say that China has 
never had any secure hold of Korea, even in recent centuries. 
True it is that China claimed a sort of suzerainty over Korea, 
but on the part of Korea there was as much respect and 
deference paid by her to her eastern neighbour as was paid 
to China, and in a manner that was almost identical. Then, 
what has taken place within the last few decades is known 
to every one. As to Manchuria, apart from dynastic reasons, 
that country has remained one of the weakest links in the 
Chinese Empire, as I shall presently be able to demonstrate, 
so that in this direction also the potentiality of China's 
expansion long ago reached its uttermost limit. 



283 



THE RISEN SUN 



III 

CONCLUSION 

I HAVE now given the essential points of Chinese expan- 
sion. What I have said will, I hope, be sufficient to give 
a fair idea of the subject under our consideration. We 
have seen that the rough outline of modern China Proper 
was formed very early. Within these limits there are, of 
course, some difierences of degree in the way of civilization. 
Progress was slower on the west and south-western sides 
than elsewhere ; in fact, on the south-western side traces 
of the earlier barbarian tribes are very clearly recognizable 
even to this day. 

But, roughly speaking, China Proper has become a huge 
nation. It is true that, owing to the fact that the distance 
from one end of the country to the other is so vast, the 
inhabitants do not orally understand each other (except 
those who speak the Mandarin tongue) ; but their written 
language is the same, and their thoughts, ideas, customs, 
and manners have all become almost identical. It must 
not, however, be imagined that this was so from the begin- 
ning, because, as I have shown already, the ancient China 
Proper was but a very small portion of the modern China 
Proper. It has grown to its present dimensions chiefly by 
the influence of its civilization. Then, again, outside China 
Proper we have already seen that on the south the Maday 
peninsula came to share to some extent the Chinese influ- 
ence ; and this was the case also on the west as far as Tibet 
(the region bordering Tibet having actually come under the 
Chinese rule), as well as throughout the greater part of 
Central Asia. Of course, these regions in turn have given 
trouble to China, but they ultimately had to bow their heads 
to China's superior civilization. But it was the north that 
at all times gave China the greatest anxiety — a region whence 
the disturbing elements of Eastern Asia have always sprung 
up. That there is the Great Wall on the northern side, whilst 
there is no such thing on the south or west, is a fact more 
eloquent than words. China would have been more than 
satisfied to make that Great Wall the outermost limit of her 

284 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

northern dominions, but the peoples outside of it were of 
another mind. 

We all know that the large domains of Mongolia and Man- 
churia are now supposed to form part of the Chinese Empire. 
Considerable parts of Siberia also at one time belonged to 
her, until she was deprived of them at quite a recent date 
by her great northern neighbour. These regions, however, 
were added to China, oddly enough, by those very people, 
who, having resolved to war with their peaceable neighbour, 
set out on an errand of conquest. In that errand they 
succeeded, but the conquerors did not convert the country 
they conquered to their own ideas, minds, customs, manners, 
or institutions ; on the contrary, they were themselves 
converted by the conquered country, and, having imbibed 
Chinese ideas, it was they who extended the influence of the 
conquered country into their own original homes. The 
very fact that, whenever a barbarian State acquired some 
power in China, it adopted a Chinese name for its dynasty, 
even before it subdued China, explains much. There is a 
notable exception to this rule — namely, in regard to the 
custom of shaving the head, which was a Tartar custom, and 
which it was considered necessary, it seems, for political 
reasons, to enforce upon the conquered in the very beginning 
of the present Tartar dynasty. 

In general, China's neighbours set out, in fact, to annex 
China, and it ended in their being themselves annexed, and 
to a great degree absorbed. 

There are, it seems to me, three principal systems of 
civilization : the Western — i.e. the European — the Indian, 
and the Chinese. From the scholastic point of view, the 
Egyptian civilization should be counted as a fourth ; but it 
was so remote and unique in character, and came to an end 
at comparatively so early an age in the world's history, 
that I need not concern myself with it in discussing my 
present theme. 

Western civilization may, it appears to me, be regarded 
as a development of the Greek civilization, tempered by 
Semitic religious notions. With regard to this last system 
of civilization, scholars are prone to trace its descent from 
something much farther back — some will even discern a 
direct derivation from India — but it is a matter involving 
too much detail for consideration here, and there is no neces- 

285 



THE RISEN SUN 

sity for me to enter upon it. And this Western system 
of civilization progressed almost entirely westward, until a 
new start was made towards the east within only very recent 
times. 

We may therefore say that there were only two systems 
of civilization in the whole of Asia — that is to say, the Indian 
civilization in India and the Chinese civilization in the Far 
East. Indian civilization made no expansion toward the 
Far East beyond its own boundary, except in respect of 
Buddhism. Chinese civilization was paramount in that 
part of Asia which faced the Pacific Ocean. It was there- 
fore natural that all the tribes and peoples dwelling round 
the centre of that Chinese civilization should have bowed to 
China as their elder sister, and ultimately have been fused 
into one nation with her. Even in the outer regions, where 
small States rose and fell from time to time, it was to have 
been expected that there should also be found a readiness 
to pay her much respect as the mistress of that civilization, 
much in the same way that different European States for 
many centuries reverenced Rome. Even Japan cannot 
claim to have been any exception to the rule, for she likewise 
was in the habit, in ancient times, of setting high store by 
Chinese civilization. There was, however, one marked 
difference which existed between Japan and the other smaller 
States bordering China on the Asiatic Continent : Japan 
did not scruple to avail herself of the opportunity of intro- 
ducing Chinese civilization, but she always endeavoured 
to maintain her own individuality, partly because her people 
always were possessed of distinctive characteristics, and 
partly, perhaps, because she was able, from her insular 
position, to escape actual contact with Chinese political 
ascendency. We read in an ancient chronicle that when a 
letter not altogether courteous was sent to the Emperor of 
Japan by the Emperor of China, the Emperor of Japan wrote 
an answer commencing with these words : " The Emperor 
of the land where the sun rises addresses himself to the 
Emperor of the land where the sun sets." 

It is recorded in a Chinese history that in the reign of the 
great second Emperor of T'ang an envoy was sent to Japan, 
where some dispute arose concerning matters of ceremony 
between him and the Court of Japan, as the consequence 
of which the envoy was obliged to return to China without 

286 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

delivering the Imperial message he had been commissioned to 
deliver. This appears to have been due to the fact that the 
Chinese envoy wanted to act as though he was a messenger 
from a superior Power to a subordinate State — a thing which 
Japan would never have consented to. We have a phrase 
which is very common — " The Chinese intelligence and the 
Japanese soul." This phrase is attributed to Sugawara 
Michizane, a great scholar and statesman of the tenth 
century, who is deified. When he was ordered by the 
Emperor to go to China, he begged to be excused on the 
ground that it was not becoming in Japan to be too slavish 
to China by imitating her in everything. He maintained that 
the intelligence which was obtainable by studying Chinese 
was important and beneficial, but that it was also neces- 
sary to keep the old soul of Japan intact. During the T'ang 
dynasty of China — that is to say, in the reign of Hsuan-tsung 
— the envoys of Japan, of Tufan (Tibet), of Shinlo (the then 
most important of the Korean kingdoms), and of the Tajiks 
(Persian), happened to arrive in the capital almost simultane- 
ously. There were also numerous other envoys and their 
suites, from different foreign lands, present at the time. 
On the occasion of a formal audience, which was then given 
for the purpose of receiving congratulations for the New 
Year, the first and second seats to the right of the throne 
were allotted to the envoys of Tufan and Japan respectively, 
and the first and second seats to the left to the other two 
envoys. To this arrangement the Japanese envoy objected, 
and it was at once modified, the first and second to the 
right being allotted to Tufan and Shinlo respectively, and 
the first and second to the left to Japan and the Tajiks 
respectively (the left from the centre is regarded by the 
Japanese as higher than the right, because it is the right 
when faced from the front). And again, when the Mongolian 
Emperor sent his envoys inviting Japan to submit to him, 
and persisted in seeking to obtain a definite answer from 
Japan, the Japanese statesman who was responsible for the 
negotiation, becoming impatient with the repeated insolence 
of the envoys — barbarous as the act may appear — ordered 
them to be beheaded. We also see it recorded in history 
of an earlier date that when Japan used to send envoys 
and students to China, the composure and dignity of those 
envoys were objects of admiration to the Chinese Court, so 

2^^ 



THE RISEN SUN 

much so that Japan came to be called by them " Kuntsu- 
kuo " (the country of gentlemen). All these incidents will 
show, in outline, what sort of position Japan always occupied 
with regard to China. 

A close examination of the nature and characteristics 
and growth of Chinese civilization shows that it achieved 
vast expansion ; but long before the advent of Western 
civilization in the East the limits of that expansion had 
been reached. On the North the Monoglian regions were 
incorporated with, or rather annexed to, the Chinese Empire ; 
but the influence of Chinese civilization beyond the Great 
Wall was always very feeble. It may be said that its limit 
was practically marked by the Great Wall. Towards Central 
Asia also it was very weak. And, moreover, the natives of 
Mongolia, Manchuria, and Central Asia are no longer those 
of ancient times. They have not a spark of the fire and 
energy of the time gone by left in them On the contrary, 
they are perpetually hampered by the superstitious influ- 
ences which have grown up with, and are nurtured by, 
Lamaism. If there are any Mongolians or Tartars who are 
still formidable, they are those who now belong to the 
Russian community — a fact too often overlooked by the 
ordinary public. 

I have already alluded to the introduction of Lamaism 
into these regions by the Mongolians of a former period. It 
appears that at the time of Genghiskhan some steps had 
already been taken. Kublaikhan, at a later date, made a 
great priest of Tibet his teacher. That priest invented for 
him the Mongolian alphabet, founded upon Indian letters, 
and by its aid a large number of the Buddhist Sutras were 
translated by Kublai's order into the Mongolian language 
by that priest and several of his compatriots and coad- 
jutors. The work, which was a tremendous undertaking, 
was accomplished in the succeeding reign. When the Tartar 
dynasty was established in China, it too favoured Lamaism, 
and the course taken with reference thereto by the Mon- 
golian dynasty was adopted by it also. Venerable priests 
were sent for from Tibet ; Manchurian alphabets were 
elaborated on the basis of Indian characters, and the trans- 
lation of a huge number of the Buddhist sacred books was 
forthwith resolved upon. Besides all this, the Lama priests, 
were, under both dynasties, the favoured recipients of much 

288 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

patronage and distinction. From all this one can easily 
imagine what an immense influence Lamaism exerted in 
those regions. I can say with certainty the influence thus 
exercised sufficed to govern the mental faculties of the 
natives of those regions in a way that even Chinese civiliza- 
tion had never been able to do. Thus, on the one hand, 
while the modem Mongols and Manchus do not retain the old 
dash and spirit that distinguished them in former times, on 
the other, they have not been able to attain to the full 
height of Chinese civilization, the result being their 
thorough degeneration. 

In Manchuria the original Tartars that still remain are 
only a minority of the inhabitants, the rest being chiefly 
immigrants from Shantung. A large proportion of the 
original Tartars have in one way or other penetrated into 
China Proper, and have there become sinicized, so that the 
present Manchuria is no longer the Manchuria of former 
days ; even the Tartar language itself is said to be almost 
disappearing. One might have expected the Chinese, who 
have taken up their abode in Manchuria, to inherit some of 
the better qualities of the original Tartar inhabitants, but 
this hardly seems to be the case. Some people say that 
they do not even come up to the standard of their com- 
patriots in other parts of the Chinese Empire. In a word, I 
can say that there is now little or no probability of any 
powerful people arising, as was the case centuries ago, out 
of these regions of Mongolia and Manchuria. 

Towards Tibet the influence of Chinese civilization is 
blocked by the Tibetan State, where Indian influence under 
somewhat transformed conditions is crystallized and para- 
mount, and that influence is stronger than that of China. 
If we look a little farther south, it is blocked by the Hima- 
layas, and, still farther south, towards the Malay peninsula, 
it is held in check by Siam and Annam, not to say Burma, in 
all of which the Indian elements preponderate over those of 
China. Even Tonking has never been truly sinicized. Then, 
as to the internal condition of China, civilization arrived at a 
state of complete stagnation many centuries since. No 
statesman dares to embark on innovations, for if he were 
to do so his fall would be assured. Take, for example, the 
case of Wang-An-Shi, of the Sung dynasty. Great as he was as 
a statesman and scholar, he totally failed when he attempted 

289 u 



THE RISEN SUN 

a radical change in the administrative and economical 
system, and his character is always painted in the blackest 
colour in consequence, not of his failure, but of his attempt. 
Moreover, the empire is big enough ; the Chinese have no 
desire, nor do they perceive any necessity to extend it farther. 
It has never entered their minds to create any colonial 
possessions outside their own empire. Such things have 
ever been totally at variance with their ideas. The Chinese, 
especially the southern ones, are as a rule sagacious in 
commerce, and large numbers of them have gone abroad 
in recent years. This is due mainly to the fact that they 
have had little field for enterprise at home in political and 
kindred matters, so that they have come to exert their best 
faculties for pecuniary gain. Hence those who go abroad do 
so only for personal and material advantages, and the fact 
that they go abroad, even if they do so in large numbers, 
has no political significance. 

The highest ideal of government entertained by the 
Chinese has always been Jen-Cheng, which may be trans- 
lated as " merciful and humane administration." Theore- 
tically, the Emperor is an autocrat, but when he becomes 
excessively oppressive and tyrannical the population rises 
against him to put an end to his dynasty, setting up a new 
one in its place. This has become a recognized principle, 
and has been morally justified through thousands of years. 
The natural consequence of it has been to cause individual 
subjects to contribute their private means as little as possible 
to the State ; hence they have the greatest abhorrence of 
heavy taxes, for whatsoever causes they may be levied, and in 
China there is actually almost no system of taxation as a 
national institution, though all sorts of devices are used 
by the provincial officials to raise certain sums for contribu- 
tion to the central Government as required by them. Hence 
the central Government has very little means with which to 
undertake any enterprising works on a grand scale. This is 
also one of several causes why the thought never occurs 
to the Chinese to organize any colonial possessions. True 
it is that several grand public works, such as the construc- 
tion of the Great Wall and of canals, were undertaken by 
energetic rulers, but they were done chiefly by forced con- 
tribution of labour, and were generally unpopular, so much 
so, indeed, that the verdict of Chinese history is generally 

290 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

rather unfavourable than favourable to those rulers who 
conceived and accomplished costly works of avowedly public 
utility. 

The mass of the Chinese are not patriotic in a political 
sense, and in any given part of the empire but little concern 
is felt about the calamities that may befall other parts of the 
empire, even in the shape of armed aggression from outside. 
Their common interests are few, and the immense dis- 
tances militate against solidarity of feeling. Moreover, 
China has always regarded herself as placed above all 
surrounding countries, and her notions of mankind, as inter- 
preted by her own traditions and ancient teachings, have 
prevented her people from entertaining any feeling of 
healthy rivalry with outsiders. Her feeling with regard to 
dwellers beyond her borders was that it was better to placate 
them by conciliatory methods than to combat them by sheer 
force. This has been China's cosmopolitan policy, always 
kept in view by her rulers and expounded by her moralists. 

There is a Chinese phrase to this effect : " No two suns 
in the heavens, and no two emperors on the earth." This 
simply means, however, that there ought not to be two 
supreme rulers in China. The Chinese mind never took 
into account the possibility of there being any rulers in other 
and remote regions of the world. Hence in China, although 
the country was split up into several States from time to time 
through the weakening of the reigning dynasty and the 
rising of new leaders in different parts of the empire, such 
conditions as these were always considered to be merely 
temporary and quite abnormal. People always expected that 
order would be restored sooner or later under the regime 
of one emperor. This being so, even a foreign dynasty, 
when it had once conquered the empire, was the real and 
true master of the country, to whom the allegiance of the 
whole empire was due. Here, again, we may perceive that 
there can exist in China no pure and simple patriotism. It 
is, however, to be borne in mind that the brotherhood or 
common interests of the Chinese population, loose and luke- 
warm as these ties perhaps are, are nevertheless so wide and 
in a measure so deep that it is difficult to separate altogether 
the different parts from one another — I mean to such an 
extent as obtains in Europe, where so many different and 
independent States co-exist side by side. 

291 



THE RISEN SUN 

The Chinese are a nation, despite all their faults. I might 
compare the Chinese nation with a mass of raw cotton. It 
is not solid, but its different particles have their mutual 
cohesive power, and form a more or less compact substance. 
It can exert no damaging force against any other substance, 
from the very nature of its yielding disposition, yet it is best 
to leave it compact as it is, because it is more useful in that 
form, and, figuratively speaking, it will rest quite satisfied and 
content if left to itself in that way. 

The limitation of Chinese expansion has become more 
marked since the advent of Western civilization in the Far 
East. China is surrounded by this new force on all sides, 
and her attitude is constantly one of defence. A little time 
ago I read in an American review an article written by a 
Chinese diplomatist. He made a remark somewhat in the 
following words : — 

Our motto is, " Do not do unto others what you would not have 
others do unto you," but your motto is, " Do unto others as you would 
have others do unto you " ; in other words, we are negative, but you 
are positive. In consequence of this your people often force other 
people to do what you yourself like without inquiring whether those 
other people want it to be done or not. It therefore often results 
in your doing things against the wish of other people, and often with 
mischievous results. 

This seems to be about the correct description of the 
feeling of the Chinese as against the rest of the world. China 
has her moral notions, which are by no means lacking in 
refinement. It is well for outsiders not to despise the Chinese 
too much, or, rather, it is desirable that they should be treated 
with proper consideration. If they are so treated they will 
always prove themselves to be a good nation with which to 
maintain peaceable and beneficial intercourse. 

Of late there has been much talk about the Yellow Peril, 
or the possibility of a Pan- Asiatic combination ; this appears 
to me, as I have said so often elsewhere, nothing more than a 
senseless and mischievous agitation. How can China rise up 
alone, and become a source of peril in this form to the rest of 
mankind ? From what I have said in this paper it will be 
plainly seen that it is a matter of the greatest improbability. 
It is therefore in this respect all the more desirable that the 
mass of Chinese cotton be left alone. We have a proverb 
saying, " Even a small insect has a soul," and another saying, 

2Q2 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

"A rat in despair might bite a cat." These proverbs mean 
that too much persecution should not be inflicted even upon 
weak objects. Therefore I can say that even such peaceful 
people as the Chinese should not be treated without due 
consideration for their feelings. 

As I have shown already, China has not been and is not 
of her own seeking an aggressive nation. It is not only 
so with the ruling classes — in other words, with those who 
conquered China and became sinicized — but with the nation 
itself at large, which has been imbued with the same spirit 
and the same ideas throughout all time, so that they have 
become its distinguishing and permanent attributes. The 
very basic principle of Chinese civilization is essentially 
pacific. 

Looking back through the whole course of history, the 
Chinese rulers who dispatched well-organized counter- 
expeditions into the lands of the enemy were, as a rule, 
able and renowned emperors, such as the first and fifth 
emperors of the Han dynasty, the second emperor of the 
T'ang dynasty, and the first and second emperors of the Sui 
dynasty ; but nevertheless they almost invariably failed in 
their enterprise, often suffering very serious defeats. 

Hence distant expeditions came to be universally regarded 
by the Chinese as a curse to the empire. There is in Chinese 
a well-known phrase, which might be translated as the 
" degradation or disgrace of militarism." That phrase con- 
sists of only two words in Chinese, and represents the stigma 
which all rulers have for several tens of centuries been most 
afraid of incurring, as well as the warning which councillors 
of the Empire came most commonly to employ in advising 
their masters. Even when an expedition against Korea 
was mooted by the great second Emperor of T'ang, at the 
zenith of his splendid career, the voices of his councillors were 
one and all against it. 

In literature, also, almost all the sentiments which have 
survived about China's warfare with barbarians in the form 
of poetry merely echo the misery and hardships entailed, 
and but seldom is there any glorification of war. The 
examples of the expeditions of earlier rulers are not to be 
esteemed subjects of emulation for later sovereigns. And 
yet if they are steadily driven into the position of a chased 
rat, it is not possible to guarantee that even these men of 

293 



THE RISEN SUN 

peace may not in the end betray some sort of resentment. 
I may, for instance, be allowed to say here that Europeans 
cannot be regarded as entirely free from responsibility for the 
trouble which culminated in the Boxer rising some years ago. 

Then, again, there are some who accuse Japan as the pro- 
bable organizer of the Pan- Asiatic peril. Peace-loving as the 
Japanese also are, the characteristics, notions, and feelings 
of the Japanese and Chinese are so different that there is no 
possibility of their complete amalgamation in one common 
cause ; and what is true with regard to the Chinese holds 
even more true with regard to other Asiatic peoples. 

Japan aspires, moreover, to elevate herself to the same 
plane and to press onward in the same path of civilization 
as the countries of the West. Even in e very-day matters 
one likes to choose good company, so as not to estrange one's 
best friends. Can any one imagine that Japan would like 
to organize a Pan-Asiatic agitation of her own seeking, in 
which she must take so many different peoples of Asia into 
her confidence and company — people with whom she has 
no joint interests or any community of thought and feeling ? 
And what of the risks Japan would wantonly incur were she 
to dare to attempt such an enterprise in the face of the most 
powerful nations of the earth ? Furthermore, the condi- 
tions of existence throughout the whole world are totally 
changed from the time when Genghis Khan or Timur (Tamer- 
lane) performed their extraordinary exploits. 

Let us view the matter from another standpoint, and I 
trust I shall be excused if I allow myself to be extremely 
candid. In Europe and on its borders there are many 
States, some of them well advanced, some rather backward. 
Would it be practicable for all these States to form themselves 
into one compact body in organized offensive combination 
against an outside Power, say America ? I venture to 
assert that, even with the intelligence and ability of the 
advanced nations of Europe such a union of interests and 
strength would be quite impossible. How, then, could 
it be expected for one moment that the various peoples of 
the East, with their varying degrees of intelligence, their con- 
flicting interests, and their old-standing feuds and jealousies, 
could ever have cohesion enough to range themselves under 
one banner against the powers of the Occident ? And if they 
could do so, is it to be imagined that Japan would enter 

294 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

upon so quixotic an enterprise as to place herself at the head 
of so unmanageable a mob ? At the very first onset of a 
Western military force, the untrained masses would take 
to flight, and Japan would find herself alone, to bear the 
consequences of her folly. In Japan we have profited by 
our military studies to the extent that we comprehend the 
value of a thoroughly homogeneous force. Could any 
conceivable agglomeration of Asiatic troops be termed a 
homogeneous body,and could such an agglomeration be made, 
by any means known to man, into a compact force fit to asso- 
ciate with a highly trained and thoroughly experienced army 
such as Japan now possesses, even were she prepared to sacri- 
fice everything for the very dubious privilege of placing herself 
at their head ? Turn we for an instant to India. There we 
have an example of a vast population immeasurably more 
numerous than the white element which rules it, yet split up 
into so many States and sects and castes that combination 
always has been and must be completely out of the question. 
Has any one seriously supposed that England has to fear a 
peril there, such as might be conceivable were union among 
the many divided peoples at all possible ? What is the history 
of the one attempt to overthrow British rule? That of its utter 
failure owing to lack of combined effort ; of a mutiny of 
a comparatively small number of troops checked by the 
fidelity of other regiments who refused to assist in the rising, 
owing to personal and tribal difference and caste prejudices. 
Is it not notorious that these Indian races have not only 
no cohesion but downright antagonism, notwithstanding that 
they are alike subjects of a conquering nation ? Is there any 
likelihood of these Indian natives and other Asiatic peoples 
being organized into a compact and united force, as some 
mischievous writers suggest ? If this argument can fairly 
be applied as regards organization into an effective fighting 
force of the Asiatic peoples, how much stronger does it be- 
come when the matter is considered in a political sense ! 
The peoples of the East are, some of them, politically inde- 
pendent ; others are under the sway of one or other European 
Power. To combine them in a single undertaking would 
be a task utterly impracticable and unpromising. Japan has 
already cast in her lot with the Occident, and in the eyes of 
many Asiatics it is to be remembered the Japanese are no 
less " Yang-Kwai " (foreign devils) than the Occidentals. 

295 



THE RISEN SUN 

In addition, and with the same candour as before, let me say 
that Japan has herself chiefly to consider. While she does 
not for one instant wish it to be thought that she looks 
down with contempt upon other Oriental nations — which 
she does not — they, for reasons of their own, have not chosen 
to accompany her along the path of progress, and actually 
regard her as something of an apostate. Can she by any 
stretch of the imagination, be suspected of a willingness to 
permit her own future to be jeopardized by pausmg in her own 
advance in order to join them in what she fully realizes could 
only be an enterprise foredoomed to disastrous failure ? 
Moreover, no Occidentals need imagine that Japan would 
particular^ welcome the creation of a strong Power on the 
Continent of Asia in close proximity to her own shores. 
To me it seems that the charge of organizing a Pan- Asiatic 
League which is now and then brought against Japan, if 
taken seriously, would only be to subject her to utterly unjust 
persecution, quite unworthy of the civilized nations of the 
world. It would be like turning round upon an apt pupil 
whom one had one's self trained and encouraged and brought 
to the world's notice — rather against its own original in- 
clinations and wishes — and that on the mere ground that the 
pupil belonged to a different set from one's own, and had 
grown a trifle more quickly and become more robust than 
one had expected when one first took him by the hand and 
led him forth into new paths. 

Japan took up the cudgels in the present war with Russia, 
as I have elsewhere shown, and as it is by this time, I hope, 
perfectly understood, with no other motive than the defence 
of her own interests. Whenever it may come to a con- 
clusion she will, as heretofore, seek to establish peace on a 
sure and sound foundation, having no objects in view that 
are not consistent with a pacific policy. She has sought 
throughout, and will continue to seek in the future, the 
benefits which accrue from this line of action, and it is in 
pursuance of these principles that she has endeavoured to 
associate herself with the aims and objects of Western 
nations. Her people cannot, if they would, change the tint 
of their skins, and if, after all her efforts, she is to be 
ostracized merely on the score of colour, she will be obliged 
to regard it as harsh treatment, far exceeding anything 
that she had a right to expect from the chivalry and en- 

296 



CHINESE EXPANSION 

lightenment of the nations of the Occident. At all events, 
I cannot imagine what material advantage those Occidental 
Powers who profess to be friendly with Japan can achieve 
by driving her to desperation by means of those ungenerous 
and, let me say, unmanly accusations. When this war ends, we 
shall devote ourselves to the arts of peace ; and I may add 
that we can hardly expect that, no matter in what form 
the present contest may terminate, circumstances will permit 
of our embarking upon hostilities in other directions. I 
can positively declare, in the name of Japan, that when this 
struggle reaches its conclusion she will honestly and faith- 
fully pursue a policy of peace. 



297 



CHAPTER II 

JAPAN AND FRANCE 



S 



OME time ago I had the pleasure of writing to an eminent 
French statesman a letter as follows : — 



Japan has neither design nor ambition to pick a quarrel with 
France, still less to take possession of Indo-China. Those utter- 
ances of the deputies and many similar comments about my country 
remind me of a Japanese proverb which says : " Make an uncrying 
baby cry." The constant accusations of numerous writers and 
speakers seem, I am sorry to say, to have almost an appearance of 
being calculated to provoke us. But let me ask if this is their real 
meaning. 

The first thing your countrymen have to perceive is the great 
difference which exists both historically and geographically between 
Korea and Indo-China as to their relative positions to my country. 
Japan's interests in Korea are paramount, both historically and 
geographically as well as commercially, but this is far from being 
the case with Indo-China. Besides, we recognize the desirability 
of preserving amicable relationship with France for many reasons, 
one of which is our recognition of the services which she rendered to 
us in the past in imbuing us with Western progressive ideas. And, 
moreover, Japan is a nation which is essentially pacific and 
instinctively avoids conflict with any other country ; in other words, 
Japan will never wage a war without being most unwarrantably 
provoked. Nay more ! Japan has to betake herself to internal 
amelioration and progress, so as to make herself worthy of an enlight- 
ened country — a work which is quite enough to pre-occupy herself 
at home for a long time, if for no other reason, so long as ever she 
can avoid external complications. 

Even if France is determined purposely to irritate Japan, my 
country will not be easily led astray. But, a fortiori, if France is not 

^ The English original of an article printed in La Revue, February, 
1905. 

298 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

so determined, then all the irritating accusations appear to me to be 
extremely unhappy ; they would benefit neither France nor Japan. 

Amongst the hostile criticisms, I have often noticed those which 
have been reported as to have emanated from the French Military 
Attache in St. Petersburg, and published in several journals. I may 
assure you that such criticisms as his give us much pain in con- 
sideration of his rank and position. 

If I am too outspoken, I must only beg you to excuse it, as I 
do so from my sincere desire that amicable relationship between my 
country and yours may not be disturbed by any possible misunder- 
standing — a sentiment which is not mine alone but is shared with 
me by all the Japanese at large. 

This is the gist of my views as regards the relationship 
between France and my country. I still continue to enter- 
tain the same views, and have no reason to alter them. I 
will, however, try to elucidate these views more fully, and 
I shall be highly pleased if what I write has any effect in 
promoting good-will between the two nations. 



II 

Before proceeding with the main point, however, I must, 
as we say, " cross over the nearer bridge," which has been 
put in my way by a recent incident, though it must have 
been made by this time quite clear in the mind of the public 
that the incident was entirely a false bogey ; I mean the 
publication in a French paper of the so-called confidential 
document alleged to have been addressed by Baron Kodama 
to Count Katsura. I have obtained, from curiosity, a copy 
of the French journal containing the document,^ and have 
read it through. It is certainly very well got up as far as 
length and superficial appearance are concerned, but to 
thoughtful persons, especially to the Japanese, the fact 
that it is a mischievous fabrication and deliberate falsehood 
is perfectly apparent at a glance ; in other words, the cloven 
hoof is too manifest to deceive anyone for a moment. As a 
document, its diction, its phraseology, its style, and its 
notions and ideas are totally at variance with Japanese 
diplomacy, — not to allude to the grotesqueness of its whole 

^ The Echo de Paris 
299 



THE RISEN SUN 

purport. Without entering upon the argumentative parts, 
I will here point out some technical errors which entirely 
disprove its authoritative character. To begin with, the 
alleged document is dated " Kelung 2nd mois de la 33rd annee 
du Meiji." That year corresponds with 1900 a.d. At that time 
General Count Katsura, to whom the document is addressed 
as " President du Conseil des Ministres,"was only a Viscount , 
and was himself Minister of War, and not President of the 
" Conseil des Ministres." Then, again, Baron Kodarna had 
never been Minister of War, either at that time or previously. 
How, then, can this fact be reconciled with the statement in 
the document in which these words are found later on, 
" Mes titres d'ancien Ministre de la guerre et de conseiller 
particulier " ? Again, how can the phrase in the alleged 
document " Nos Allies Anglais," the alliance having been 
only concluded in 1902, be made to fit in with the date 
" Kelung 33 Meiji " ? Besides, whatever can " conseiller 
particulier " mean ? There is no such office as this in Japan. 
Then, again, in the footnote attached to the document as 
published in the journal, a period in the 33rd year of Meiji is 
given as " the spring of 1902." Now, supposing this latter 
year was correct, and the 33rd year of Meiji was a misprint 
for 35th year of Meiji, how can it be reconciled with a phrase 
where that year of Meiji plus another eight years is spoken 
of as the 41st year of Meiji ? Supposing, however, this 
again was some sort of misprint, there are other facts which 
are quite irreconcilable. Baron Kodama was appointed 
Minister of War, in December of 1900 a.d., in addition to 
his ofhce of Governor-General of Formosa, which he was 
then holding, and continued to serve in both capacities 
until April, 1902, when he was released from his Minis- 
tership of War, still retaining his office of the Govern- 
orship of Formosa. How then can he describe him- 
self as a former (ancien) Minister of War in February 
of that year ? The document, moreover, purports to 
have been despatched from Kelung in Formosa ; but he 
was at that time staying in Tokio and not in Formosa. The 
Japanese Diet was in session just at the time. That session 
was opened on November 22, I90i,and closed on February 
23, 1902, and he had naturally, as a Minister, and as the 
Governor-General, to attend the Diet in Tokio. Then 
again the allegation that the document was despatched 

300 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

from Kelung is absurd. Kelung is only a seaport, where no 
Government office is established. But even supposing that 
Baron Kodama had happened to be there, and that he 
dispatched the document therefrom, how can one reconcile 
this theory with the phrase which occurs in the course of the 
document, in which are found these words " L'incapacite 
pretendue des representants de Sa Majeste a Kelung " ? 
It comes to the same thing as saying Russia is represented 
by her Ambassador in France at Calais instead of Paris. 
Then, again, the alleged document speaks about " six bat- 
taillons indigene ou meme nos trois brigades mixtes." 
Where do such things exist ? No doubt in the French 
colonies such a system exists, and I daresay it may be 
adopted in Formosa also in the course of time ; but most 
positively no such things existed in Formosa either in 1900 
or in 1902. Then, again, the document speaks of " Wai-Wou- 
Pou de Pekin " for Chinese Foreign Office, but no such office 
had existed before July, 1902, when it was established for 
the first time in the place of the Tung-li Yamen, which was 
then abolished. Moreover, in that session of the Japanese 
Diet the seiyukai party stood in direct opposition to the 
Cabinet of which Baron Kodama was a member as Minister 
of War, whilst two others, Kensei-honto and Kokuminfo 
(Teikokuto) leaned more towards the Government. How 
then can he make such a statement as the following : 
" Je suis etonne qu'entre ces deux partis extremes mes amis 
Seiyukai ne fassent pas entendu un language plus raison- 
able " ? The notion of interpreting " Genro " as Conseil de 
FEmpire, and to speak of it in the manner as shown in the 
document, is most inexact. The proposition, in the docu- 
ment, of making Fokien the base of the Japanese army for 
land attacks on Cochin-China shows a total ignorance of 
geography. Baron Kodama is one of the most intelligent 
statesmen of Japan, apart from his proper profession as a 
soldier. If a person like Kodama were such a fool as to 
dilate on such an absurd idea as is displayed in the alleged 
document there would never have been the Japan of to-day. 
Some time ago an eminent French statesman told me, as 
already mentioned elsewhere, that France understood 
Japan little and Russia still less, and that it was the 
sole cause of the present war. The fact that a French 
journal of good standing propagates such an idea as it 

301 



THE RISEN SUN 

does, based on such alleged documents, with the evident 
intention of stirring up the good citizens of France and of 
inciting all other civilized nations against Japan tends to 
warrant me in believing what was told me by that statesman. 



Ill 

No sensible French people will believe, I am confident, in 
the authenticity of the alleged document and its purport. 
But there seem still to be many French readers who enter- 
tain some sort of apprehension that Japan might have 
designs upon their colony in Indo-China. I would there- 
fore state the exact views which we, the Japanese, hold. 
In a word, there is no such intention on the part of Japan 
whatever. Korea and Indo-China, as I have quite recently 
said, are on a very different footing in their relative posi- 
tions with regard to Japan. In Korea we have immense 
interests in many ways, and cannot for a moment allow any 
foreign Power to predominate in that peninsula. But we 
have no such interests in Indo-China. Above all, the ques- 
tion of Indo-China is one which was decided long ago. We 
have no intention of questioning a fait accompli, or interfer- 
ing with any status quo, but the case is very different with the 
Korean peninsula, as well as with Manchuria. Geographi- 
cally speaking, the Korean peninsula constitutes territory 
of which predominance of foreign influence has vital inter- 
ests for Japan, and concerns her very existence. Imagine 
if any foreign Power predominated in it, — how could that 
fact be anything but a constant menace to Japan ? His- 
torically, Japan has had a very long connexion with the 
peninsula. 

It is not necessary for me to enter into any details ; suffice 
it to say that there was a time when intruders attacked 
Japan from that peninsula ; and we were obliged on the 
other hand to attack them at their bases in the peninsula, 
in order that we might secure permanent peace. There was 
a time when one or more of several kingdoms which existed 
in that peninsula were our tributaries. There was a time 
when we had our government establishments set up therein 

302 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

in order to rule the country. There was again a time 
when we despatched our troops to the help of one or other 
of these kingdoms against some neighbour or outsider who 
threatened its very existence. The fact is that that penin- 
sula had great importance for Japan in the numberless 
vicissitudes recorded in the history of successive centuries. 
Even at a time when Japan shut her door against all foreigners 
except the Dutch and Chinese we still had our diplomatic 
intercourse with the Korean kingdom, which periodically 
paid its homage and respect to our Government ; we still 
had a trade with it ; our people even had settlements in 
Korea, enjoying extra-territoriality, and carrying on trade 
between the two countries ; and in our own days, since the 
new regime was instituted, the interest of Japan in the well 
being and good government of Korea has multiplied enor- 
mously. There is no necessity for me to describe these 
matters in detail, but the very fact that we staked our 
existence ten years ago against China, who was considered 
then a mighty Power, will go a long way towards explaining 
them ; and, moreover, the fact that we had all along 
tried to come to an understanding with Russia, and, as a 
matter of fact, did reach such understanding once or twice, 
in official compacts, before the war, evinces how great was 
the anxiety felt in Japan concerning that neighbouring 
peninsula. 



IV 

The case of Indo-China — Annam and Tongkin — is very 
different from that of the Korean peninsula. Geographi- 
cally speaking, it is far away from Japan, and its shape and 
position is very different from the Korean peninsula. It has 
no strategical value for Japan. Historically speaking, it is 
true that about 300 years ago there was carried on a certain 
amount of trade between Japan, Annam, and Cambodia ; 
but even that small trade came to an end with the policy 
of exclusion adopted by Japan soon after that period. In 
a word, French Indo-China was included in Japan in the 
category of those foreign lands to or from which neither 
trade would be allowed nor the coming and going of people 

303 



THE RISEN SUN 

permitted. It has even been said that some Japanese who 
were residing in those regions were not allowed to land in 
Japan when they returned home, and had to go back again 
to die there — this was done on account of a decree that no 
Japanese should ever go to any foreign lands nor would he be 
allowed to return if he did so. There is no such long history 
of intercourse between Indo-China and Japan as there is 
between Japan and the Korean peninsula — there is no 
community of thought or feeling between the Japanese and 
the Indo-Chinese. With regard to the Koreans, there was 
a time when we derived Chinese civilization chiefly through 
Korea, but nothing of the sort happened in the case of Indo- 
China. In the history of the ^Chinese Empire Indo-China 
has usually been regarded as a place remote from its own 
proper boundaries and afflicted continually with pestilence, 
so that it was not a fit place for the Chinese to reside in : 
how much less then for the Japanese ! And consequently 
the locality has never seriously entered into the minds of the 
Chinese, much less the Japanese, who only within very 
recent years have begun to carry on any appreciable 
trade with it. The chief item of this trade is rice, 
imported into Japan. On account of Japan's buying this 
rice some French people imagine that Japan covets the 
territory of Indo-China, a thing to our minds downright 
ridiculous. I will therefore, in the first place, give some 
account of the commercial relations subsisting between 
Japan and Indo-China. 



V 

The volume of trade between Japan and French Indo- 
China is very small. Taking the average of the last five 
years, the total amount is 6,846,000 yen, that is to say, only 
1*3 per cent, of the whole commerce of Japan. Of this total 
of 6,846,000 yen, 156,000 yen-worth are exported from 
Japan and 6,690,000 yen-worth imported from Indo- 
China into Japan. Looking round the lands which are near 
Japan, the percentage of the commerce between Japan and 
these lands is as follows : — 

304 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 



China 
British India 










. 36*5 
. 24-4 


Hong-Kong. 
Korea 










. 187 
. 8-4 


Siberia 










. 3-8 


French-India 










3*1 


Dutch India 










2-6 


PhiUppine Islands 
Siam 


« 


. 


. 




1-8 
7 


Total 


100 



Of the trade between Japan and French India 90 per cent, 
of its whole volume is taken up with the supply of rice from 
the latter to Japan, and therefore rice as an item may be 
considered as having paramount significance ; besides, rice 
is the principal food of the Japanese, hence the idea of some 
Frenchmen alluded to above, but it is a totally groundless 
impression. In the first place, I will show by a Table the 
amount of the production of native rice of Japan as well as 
the comparison of the exports of Japanese rice and the 
imports of foreign rice. Japan not only imports but also 
exports this cereal. 



Year. 


Home Production. 


Import. 


Export. 




Koku. 


Koku. 


Koku. 


1894 


41,859,047 


1,321,851 


610,052 


1895 


39,960,798 


674,141 


719,324 


1896 


36,240,351 


744,801 


756,803 


1897 


33^039,293 


2,520,558 


517,678 


1898 


47,387,666 


4,678,501 


420,047 


1899 


39,698,258 


660,237 


871,534 


1900 


41,466,734 


914,792 


253,563 


19OI 


46,914,943 


1,244,775 


520,617 


1902 


36,944,625 


1,803,629 


507,695 


1903 


47,713,166 


4,864,962 


328,974 


Average 


41,127,488 


1,942,824 


551,629 



(Koku=nearly five English bushels.) 

From this Table one can see that the import of foreign rice 
into Japan varies according to the harvest for the year, and 
whether Japanese native crops are good or not. But on the 
average of ten years the export of Japanese rice amounts to 
1*4 per cent, of the whole native products, and imports of 
foreign rice to only 47 per cent, of the native products. 

305 X 



THE RISEN SUN 

Thus we import foreign rice on an average of 3*3 percent, of 
the native products — a very small percentage indeed. Let 
us see now what regions there are for supplying rice to Japan. 
The following is the Table :— 



Year. 


British 
India. 


Korea. 


French 
India. 


^China. 


Siam. 


Total. 


1894 


5 


10 


69 


9 


7 


100 


1895 


9 


20 


65 


4 


2 


TOO 


1896 


I 


50 


22 


24 


3 


100 


1897 


4 


28 


41 


22 


5 


100 


1898 


24 


6 


53 


8 


9 


100 


1899 


3 


29 


56 


4 


8 


100 


1900 


II 


52 


30 


4 


3 


100 


19OI 


7 


51 


27 


7 


8 


100 


1902 


43 


22 


26 


2 


7 


100 


1903 


S3 


9 


27 


4 


7 


100 


1904 


64 


2 


25 


I 


8 


100 



From this Table one can see that British India, Korea, and 
French Indo-China are the chief places that supply rice to 
Japan. The proportion of imports from these countries 
varies according to the year, but, roughly speaking, ten years 
ago the French supply was more than half, but in recent 
times it has decreased gradually to a quarter, whereas the 
imports from British India have gradually increased to- 
gether with the general advancement of the trades between 
Japan and that country, and it now takes the place which 
French Indo-China formerly occupied : Korea, again, when 
the crops are good, supplies half the Japanese wants. The 
reason why we export as well as import the rice is this : 
the quality of Japanese rice is far better than the rice of 
other regions, and consequently fetches a better price in 
foreign markets. And conversely, as the quality of the 
rice of those other regions, especially that of French India, 
is always far inferior, and only fit for needy families, the 
price is far lower than that of our own, and as a natural 
result of economical operations, both exports and im- 
ports of the same commodity take place concurrently. 
Hence it follows the genuine requirement in the way of 
imported rice is far less than it appears at first sight. Thus 
we see that the amount which we paid for the rice im- 
ported from French India from 1894 to 1903 was 72,600,000 

306 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

yen, whilst during the same period the price we obtained by 
the exportation of our native rice was 65,200,000 yen. 
Besides, although rice is the principal food of the Japanese, 
and although rice forms the principal portion of the food- 
stuffs imported, a large quantity of other edible substances is 
brought into Japan from foreign lands as progress is made 
in economical matters and as results of economical opera- 
tions. According to the latest statistics obtainable, the 
imports of edibles are as follows : — 



Year. 


Rice. 


Wheat, Beans, Peas, 
Flour of Wheat. 


19OI 
1902 
1903 


Yen. 

11,878,958 
17,750,816 
51,960,272 


8,759,089 

9,73i»834 

23,459,512 



These edible commodities besides rice are imported chiefly 
from China, British India, and the United States, and one 
can see that although rice is the most important item on the 
list it forms only a part of the annual imports of food- 
stuffs. Besides, of late years rice cultivation in the United 
States has become an important industry. According to an 
official report of the British Commercial Agent in America, 
during the fiscal year 1898-99, the production of rice in 
that country was 250,280,221 lb., and the land under rice 
cultivation was 342,218 acres, and it was calculated that the 
yield of rice of 1904 would be about 470,000,000 lb., the area 
of land planted with rice being 643,400 acres. America 
will soon be able to export her rice, so that if France does 
not like our buying her rice we shall have no difficulty in 
obtaining from America, as we do from British India and 
elsewhere. 



VI 

From the foregoing statements it will be seen that the trade 
between Japan and French Indo-China is not so material 
as one might easily be led to suppose. Surely it is not 
worth while for Japan to trouble her head with it so much 

307 



THE RISEN SUN 

as other people seem to think she does. Besides, there are 
many things to be thought of in this connexion. In the 
first place, we must see what is our commercial relation with 
France itself . According to the latest statistics, our imports 
from France are 5,107,913 yen, while our exports to France 
are 34,279,115 yen. This will show that France is a good 
customer. The chief item of our export to France is silk 
of all kinds. It is a matter of course that France does not 
consume all our exports in her own homes, because she 
exports them again to other countries in altered shapes. 
But the fact that France takes them from us is unalterable. 
This commercial relation is very beneficial to us. We have 
to maintain and to promote if possible the existing condition 
of things, and to ensure that it continues without interrup- 
tion, if we can. In order to do so it is necessary, let me say, 
that we should keep on friendly terms with France. This 
is the commercial point of view. But there are many other 
and cogent reasons why we should maintain friendship with 
France. France is a country far advanced in her enlighten- 
ment. We know how to respect her, and, as a matter of 
fact, we have derived already much benefit from her acquaint- 
ance. We must learn more from her ; we know that 
France is a rich and thrifty nation ; we know that France 
can do great things if she likes ; we know that it is a most 
foolish thing to estrange her sympathy, to say nothing of 
making her a bitter enemy. All these considerations impel 
us to behave as well as possible towards France, even if for 
no other reasons. Why, then, should we covet her possessions 
in the East ? Supposing for a moment that all these con- 
siderations need be not taken heed of, and supposing we can 
make war and take possession of French India easily : even 
under these circumstances a far-off expedition is not an 
easy matter. It costs much money, and even after conquest 
much expense would be entailed. Japan does not care to 
embark upon such business without seriously thinking of 
the result : in other words, such an undertaking would not 
pay Japan. This becomes all the more apparent when we 
have taken everything into consideration. Above all, our 
conscience, our moral sentiment and ethical teaching, and 
long-standing national tradition do not allow us wantonly to 
covet other people's property without possessing a shadow 
of just or rightful claim. If we had any thought concern - 

308 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

ing French India it would take the form of encouragement 
and promotion of peaceful commercial intercourse, which 
may be beneficial both to France and to our country. 



VII 

Such is the case on Japan's side. We have therefore 
done nothing to hurt the susceptibilities of France. Still 
less have we done any injury to France. But how is the 
case regarded by France, especially since the beginning of 
the war ? All that I can say is that many of the French, 
and especially some of their public men and publicists, have 
been extremely unkind to Japan. In their eyes the Japanese 
are a doomed nation ; in their eyes Japan can never be 
allowed to share the blessings of enlightenment and civili- 
zation. If I am speaking too candidly I must ask the 
French public to excuse me with their accustomed mag- 
nanimity and allow me to appeal to their chivalry. I can 
quite understand in what position France stands with 
regard to Russia ; but what these people say and write 
is not, as it appears to me, incumbent upon them in their 
situation as Russian allies. I almost think some of them 
are going to the extent that they are forgetting the interest 
of their own nation in their over-zeal for one particular 
country. Let me candidly ask them a question : Can 
they honestly and conscientiously mean to hold up Russia 
as a model nation, superior to Japan in the form of govern- 
ment, in the administration both spiritual and temporal, 
and, above all, in the idea and practice of moral sentiments, 
and thus subject Japan to contempt and condemnation ? 
I do not find any fault with their being in alliance with 
Russia, but that does not give them the right to abuse and 
condemn another nation and another power, which their 
country ostensibly regards as friendly. 

The alliance of France with Russia, I presume, is based 
upon considerations of European politics ; but does this give 
them any right to abuse another friendly nation by virtue 
of that alliance to such an extent that justice and righteous- 
ness are put out of consideration ? What sin has Japan 
committed in the eyes of France ? What crime has Japan per- 

309 



THE RISEN SUN 

petrated against France ? Should there be any such, Japan 
will be very glad to be told of it and to be asked to rectify 
it. But as far as we are concerned, we cannot think of any 
such offence that we have committed or perpetrated. The 
scare of the " yellow peril " appears to me to be quite un- 
worthy of a civilized nation like France. Does France mean, 
together with Russia, to crush Japan by coups de main ? 
In that case there would be some reason for adopting that 
sort of attitude, though it would appear to be most unjust. 
But, if not, what mso;^ d'etre is there for adopting the atti- 
tude which now prevails ? If my words are too harsh I must 
once more apologize, but I cannot be otherwise than candid, 
and often a better understanding is arrived at from being 
candid than otherwise. The obvious intention in institut- 
ing the yellow peril scare is to stir up the whole civilized 
world against Japan. It is a hard thing for us to think 
about. Then, again, relating to France herself, they speak 
about our wanton designs upon their position in the East, 
and thus try to discredit Japan in the face of the whole 
world. Do they mean to drive us to desperation ? Sup- 
pose they really had some apprehensions about their Indo- 
China, there are many means of ascertaining if they had any 
real foundation without simply trying to irritate us. I wish 
just to pause for a moment and think about what would be 
the result if Japan and France became antagonistic nations, 
full of animosity toward each other. And suppose France 
had to arm to the teeth in Annam and Tongkin, and on 
Japan's side also she had to make corresponding prepara- 
tions ; what waste of money there would be, and what good 
result could be derived from it all ? I remember a long 
time ago, when Tongkin was taken by France, how M. Jules 
Ferry was constantly attacked by his own countrymen in 
the Chamber of Deputies. The time has changed very much 
since then, and France can enjoy the full benefit of her 
possession of Indo-China with peace and order. Japan 
never intends to disturb it, unless France makes it out to be 
so by her own fantastic imagination. Is it not now already 
time that French politicians and publicists changed their 
attitude a little and allowed Japan to realize her fond expecta- 
tion of making herself a good friend of France ? France 
can do so without violating her obligation as an ally of 
Russia. Especially will this be the case when the present 

310 



JAPAN AND FRANCE 

war comes to an end in one way or another. There are, I 
think, several means which could be utilized for the benefit 
of both countries and could be made a testimony of mutual 
friendship. But suppose we both of us have that inclina- 
tion, it is desirable that more consideration be shown by 
the French politicians and writers henceforward in matters 
concerning Japan. I must earnestly say that the present 
attitude of some of the French journals and of public men 
is hardly calculated to promote that cause. I may mention 
one instance ; I have often noticed that a correspondent 
of a certain well-known Parisian journal, who is enjoying 
the hospitality of Japan, is sending and having published 
articles which are far more than an ordinary correspondence, 
for they amount to nothing less than bullying abuse of 
Japan and an endeavour to bring her into contempt before 
the world. Japan has sufficient forbearance ; she does 
not venture to present him with a passport : but such a 
thing as he is doing is not productive of any good to any 
country whatever. I can quite understand in one way that 
to recognize a parvenu as something like an equal is a very 
difficult matter to those who regard themselves as far above 
others ; that sentiment is natural enough ; but when the 
time comes that it is necessary, one's duty, from the point 
of view of common justice, is to adapt oneself to circum- 
stances. It is all the more so in a case when, although 
that parvenu may be in one sense a parvenu, in another 
sense he is not so, in that he has a good pedigree and is 
essentially a gentleman. In the case of Japan we do not 
blame the Europeans that they regard us as parvenus. 
Yet on our part we never try to put on airs. What we 
have been doing and are still doing is to ask for some 
thought and consideration from those people whom we 
regard as our pioneers in many ways, and this request 
might be granted to us above all others by the French, 
who were, and are still, I think, known as a chivalrous 
people. 



311 



CHAPTER III 

JAPAN AND A WAR INDEMNITY^ 

THE canon of the Japanese Bushido is that one should 
not unsheath one's sword unless in case of absolute 
necessity, nor should restore it to the sheath unless one is 
totally overcome or has secured equitable satisfaction for 
one's cause. This is also our ideal in international inter- 
course. 

The sword of Japan is drawn : therefore it would be a 
mistake for her adversary or for any outsiders if they were 
to think that that sword would be lightly restored to its 
original sheath. With us the aim for which we have un- 
sheathed our swords is scarcely attained as yet. We are not 
aggressive or greedy, but our aim must be attained. We 
want a peace which will secure a tranquillity in the Far East 
at least for a generation or two. The antagonists of Japan 
attribute to her all sorts of future ideas of ascendancy. But 
that Japan has no such ambition as is suggested by her 
antagonists, must be thoroughly understood by the whole 
world by this time. For all that, however, we must be 
allowed to obtain the satisfaction to which justice entitles 
us. It is scarcely time for Japan as yet to formulate any 
definite terms of peace. The task before her is doubtless 
a gigantic one ; and therefore, favourably as events have 
gone so far for us, successfully as our campaign has been 
carried on up to this time, and confident as we are of the 
future, it would be preposterous for Japan to formulate the 
definite terms of peace, because one might be accused of 
skinning a bear before it was shot. We have, however, an 
outline of our idea. 

The world should know that in the present war Japan 

* The Outlook, April 8, 1905. 
312 



JAPAN AND A WAR INDEMNITY 

staked her very existence, whereas with her adversary i^ ^s 
a mere war of caprice. Therefore, in the case of Japan's 
defeat, it is quite plain from the very nature of the matter 
that the penalty she would have to pay would be very heavy. 
As a matter of fact, it would affect her very existence. Why, 
then, in the case of the defeat of her adversary, should 
Russia not be made responsible for its results in equitable 
accordance with the nature of the affair ? I believe, there- 
fore, that in the case of our adversary asking for peace the 
satisfaction which she will have to make to Japan should 
include the making good of the material loss of Japan — in 
other words, an indemnity. Our adversary has wantonly 
caused us to incur that loss, and it is only fair that she should 
make good that loss, should she be inclined to come to 
terms. Has not our adversary exacted enormous indemni- 
ties from the countries who asked peace of her after the 
wars which she had carried on with them ? Some say that 
the objection to an indemnity in the present case is on the 
ground that the present war is carried on in a neutral land, 
and therefore there is no question of indemnity to be raised. 
This contention seems to be absurd. The fact that hitherto 
the present war has been waged in a neutral land has been 
a unique instance in history. The combatants had to spend 
their blood and treasure just as much as if the war was 
carried on in the territory belonging to one or other of them. 
The question of the justice of taking or giving an indemnity 
can in no way be determined by the fact that the war is 
carried on in a neutral country. Suppose a war between 
two nations be fought on an open sea between the fleets of 
two nations, and one of them had to ask peace of the other, 
the question of indemnity would be only decided by the 
merits and circumstances of the matter and not by the fact 
that the battle had taken place on the open sea, which does 
not belong to either of them. The present case of the war 
being carried on in a neutral country must be viewed from 
the same standpoint. Some people also say that Russia 
cannot pay the indemnity, and therefore it should be for- 
given. I cannot agree with this argument. Our adversary 
can pay if she chooses. Is she not spending enormous 
sums of money in carrying on war ? Does she not profess 
that she has enormous reserves in her National Bank ? 
Does she not say that she will patch up the peace only 

313 



THE RISEN SUN 

temporarily, as though it were a kind of armistice, and re- 
organize her army and navy so that she will be in a position 
to wage a war of revenge ? Besides, if she stops the war 
and raises the money for the works of peace, including the 
indemnity, she will not be destitute of the means of obtaining 
the necessary money. Have not the Powers in concert 
forced China to pay her indemnity on account of the Boxer 
rising, in which Russia herself claimed payment out of all 
proper proportion ? 

I have noticed that on the part of the "man in the 
street," as you say, there has been a misconception 
of the situation. He has frequently imagined that 
Japan is willing to come to terms anyhow if only 
peace could be patched up. This kind of misconcep- 
tion must be put aside. I often personally experience a 
sort of chagrin upon being told by outsiders who advocate 
peace in such a way, that we are only anxious to get some 
kind of peace. As a matter of principle, of course, we value 
peace just as much as any one else, but when we come to 
the question of the present contest it is most unfortunate 
that people should entertain this kind of misconception 
about us. Some even tell us that it is fearful that so many 
human beings should be slaughtered. They say that for 
humanity's sake an armistice should be concluded with a 
view to negotiating peace, and even practical publicists 
speak of similar propositions. We cannot think in the same 
way ; such propositions can give advantage only to our 
adversaries. Moreover, one must perceive what progress 
our military and naval forces are making. If our adversary 
is not prepared to give us satisfaction, we must be allowed 
to carry on our plan. It is all very well to speak of human- 
ity, but no injustice must be perpetuated in the name of 
humanity. If a proposition which arises out of the 
question of humanity gives more advantage to one than 
another of the contending parties, it cannot be justice. 

I notice even at this moment some sort of psychological 
instability prevailing in some quarters of Europe. The 
public at large seem to have gauged the relative value of 
Russia and Japan, they have seen on which side justice lies, 
they have weighed the merits and demerits of both nations, 
they are glad that the large bubble which has been causing 
nightmare to many people for so long a time has been 

314 



JAPAN AND A WAR INDEMNITY 

pricked. They have seen the justice of not judging the 
cause of Japan from any racial or dogmatic point of view ; 
they have seen that it was of no use to suppress Japan's 
aspirations by the combined force of the Western Powers. 
And yet there seems to be floating in the air some sort of 
compassion for our adversary. I do not, of course, grudge 
any compassion that is shown to her — we Japanese are 
capable of compassion in all matters ; but compassion, if 
not exercised properly, will fall out of the sphere of justice. 
When a dwarf and a giant fight each other the dwarf will 
expect to get satisfaction in the case of his victory, just as 
much as the giant will expect the same from the dwarf — 
even if the dwarf is not entitled to a greater satisfaction if we 
consider the matter from the point of equity. How much 
more would it be unjust if one were to tell the dwarf that he 
must be subjected to a great penalty in the case of his defeat, 
because he had accepted the challenge of the giant — that 
he must be satisfied with very little compensation in the case 
of his victory, because the '* face " of the giant was bigger 
than his and therefore a greater compassion must be shown 
to the giant in the case of his defeat. I almost think the 
sentiment in some quarters out of Japan has some resem- 
blance to this illustration. So many people speak of the 
prestige, dignity and " face " of our adversary, but it is 
curious that they do not speak so much about the prestige, 
dignity and " face " of Japan, and it is the case, even with 
those who highly recognize the justice on the side of 
Japan. This I deem an inconsistency, arising out of some 
psychological instability. It is, I think, already time that 
the people labouring under this confusion of ideas should 
make up their mind to choose and decide which way to go. 
I am most anxious to ask the outsiders of this class calmly 
to reflect what would have been the result if Japan were 
worsted in actual conflict. Have they not heard that it was 
openly said in the capital of our adversary that she would 
exact an enormous indemnity from Japan so as to incapa- 
citate her for many generations to come, and that she would 
annex some important parts of Japan of considerable extent ? 
Did they not say they would even demand a cession of 
Kiusiu, in which case Oyama, Nozu, Kuroki, Oku, Togo, 
Kamimura, Kawamura, Ogawa, Komura, Yamamoto, 
Kaneko, including myself, all of us would be foreigners in our 

315 



THE RISEN SUN 

own country, as Garibaldi lamented in the Italian Chamber ? 
Were not generous and high generals talking about dictating 
terms in our capital of Tokio ? Do they think that Russia 
would have forgone her claim of indemnity because the war 
was carried on in a neutral country ? Do they think that 
Russia would have had much mercy and compassion for 
her defeated foe ? I can only think that Japan would have 
fared very badly should she have been beaten. We are 
far from assuming any attitude such as would have been 
assumed by our adversary, as I can imagine, in the case of 
our defeat. But we believe that justice ought to be done 
to us, and that no mere sentiment shall be allowed to decide 
the merits of the case. 

Some people say that Japan might be induced to forgo 
her claim of indemnity provided England and America gave 
her a good assurance for future security of peace. We 
appreciate, of course, the general sentiments of England and 
America ; we attach high value to the Anglo- Japanese 
alliance ; we are anxious to maintain the best friendship 
with these two countries more particularly than with other 
countries. We should, however, be very sorry if we were 
to be told that we should forgo on account of that friendship 
any claim which we deem justice entitles us to demand. 



316 



CHAPTER IV 

THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS AND WOUNDED BY THE 

JAPANESE ^ 

I HAVE just discovered in a newly published volume 
entitled The Russo-Japanese War, by Mr. T. Cowen, a 
reproduction of a sketch by a Japanese artist made on the 
spot after the battle of the Yalu, in which a Japanese soldier 
is seen stooping down to place a bunch of wild flowers on a 
Russian soldier's grave — one of several at that spot — 
while another Japanese soldier stands by with his hand to 
his cap, giving the salute to his departed foe. Such an 
incident speaks volumes for the generous spirit towards his 
enemy which is at all times manifested by the soldier of 
Japan. As, however, it seems just now to be an object of 
interest to not a few people to know how the Japanese 
treat Russian prisoners and wounded, I will make in the 
following pages an attempt to give a succinct account there- 
of. The Government Regulations speak for themselves, 
and it is only necessary to state that they are carried out 
to the letter. But I have supplemented them with brief 
explanatory remarks of my own, touching their application 
in practice, in refutation of certain calumnious statements 
that have been put into circulation. Not only have all 
the injunctions of the Geneva and Hague Conferences been 
complied with, but Japanese military law was sufficient of 
itself, apart from the Convention's rules, to secure humane 
treatment. And, moreover, " Bushido," the code of honour 
for Japanese Knighthood, enjoins upon all the most com- 
passionate behaviour towards a fallen or surrendered enemy. 
On February 14, 1904, within a week of the outbreak 
of hostilities, the Japanese Government issued regulations, 
under Imperial ordinance, for " Treatment of Prisoners," 
and a " Prisoners' Intelligence Board " was established 
seven daj^s later, also by Imperial command. Supple- 

1 The English original of an article printed in La Revue (Paris), 
December, 1904. ^j 



THE RISEN SUN 

mentary regulations were issued by the War Department, 
in both cases, later in February and in May. 

The Intelligence Board was thus constituted : — 

The Chief of the Board to be of General's or Colonel's rank. 

His subordinates shall be drawn from among military as 
well as naval officers, and he shall have civilian clerks also, 
as required. 

The Chief to be under the supervision of the Minister for 
War. 

The business to be transacted by the Board shall include: — 

a. Investigating circumstances of detention or removal of prison- 
ers, reception into hospital, or decease, of any one of them, and 
the compilation of proper records concerning each. 

b. Correspondence with regard to condition of prisoners. 

c. Due attention to delivery or dispatch of money or other articles 
sent to or by the prisoners. 

d. Retention in safe custody of the testaments or other articles 
or money left by prisoners who die, and for the subsequent dispatch 
of this property to the families or relatives of the dead. 

e. Whenever information is acquired by army or naval authorities 
concerning a fallen enemy, or any property of those killed in battle, 
or who otherwise die, is recovered, the course pursued is to be similar 
to that followed in the case of a prisoner. 

/. The Board has authority to obtain from the naval, military, or 
hospital authorities, or any other kindred institution, all needful 
information that they may possess in order to enable the Board to 
perform its allotted functions. 

Minute directions are likewise given for the rendering of 
reports, by the several authorities above named, to the 
Prisoners' Intelligence Board, upon all necessary matters 
in which the condition or welfare of the prisoners may be 
in any way concerned. 

The regulations regarding the treatment of prisoners are 
very lengthy, and it is only necessary to refer to their salient 
features : — - 

a. The prisoners of war shall be treated with humane consider- 
ation : no insult or cruelty shall be perpetrated upon them. 

h. They shall be dealt with in careful conformity to their rank 
and position. 

c. Save where imposed by military discipline, they shall not be 
subjected to physical restraint. 

d. They shall enjoy freedom of conscience, and in virtue thereof 
shall be at full liberty to attend the religious services of their 
own Faith, so long as in doing so they do not infringe the require- 
ments of military discipline. 

318 



TREATMENT OF WOUNDED AND PRISONERS 

Should a prisoner be insubordinate he naturally must be 
subjected to disciplinary measures, according to the circum- 
stances of his ofience, and so also must a prisoner who 
attempts to escape, or who may actually for a time contrive 
to get away and is retaken, but no criminal punishment 
shall be inflicted on account of such escape. 

Offences of prisoners are dealt with and punished in con- 
formity with the established rules of the Military Court. 

The subjoined resume of the Regulations are indicative 
of the care with which the rules have been framed to agree 
with the spirit of the injunctions a, b, c, and d quoted above. 

1 . Arms, ammunition, and all articles of warlike character carried 
by the prisoners shall be confiscated, but other articles shall either 
be kept in safe custody on behalf of the prisoners or left with them 
to carry on their own persons as expediency may dictate. 

2. Prisoners of officers' rank may be allowed to carry their swords, 
or even any other weapons, according to circumstances, but in the 
case of firearms, the powder and bullets used in them shall be re- 
moved for safety's sake. 

3. The Commander of an Army Corps, or of a Division, may 
arrange with the enemy for the transfer of sick or wounded prison- 
ers, or for their exchange, or he may discharge prisoners on parole 
of not again taking part in the present war. 

4. Prisoners who may be possessed of officers' rank shall be trans- 
ported to their place of internment separately from the common 
soldiers. 

5. Prisoners captured by the Navy shall be handed over to the 
Army Authorities. (This regulation was introduced, no doubt, 
to save the trouble and expenses of caring for them separately, under 
a distinct organization.) 

6. The Army Authorities shall provide suitable places for the 
internment of prisoners ; soldiers' barracks, temples, or other con- 
venient buildings are to be used for this purpose. 

7. Prisoners shall be suitably allotted to different rooms, not 
huddled together indiscriminately, a certain number to each apart- 
ment as may be convenient, and the rank and position of the prison- 
ers shall be taken into consideration when thus allotting their 
quarters. Each room shall appoint from among its inmates one 
person to be their chief, who shall be responsible for peace and good 
order among them, and shall be spokesman for his fellow-prisoners. 

8. Prisoners may purchase with their own money any articles 
that they may fancy or that may add to their comfort — subject, of 
course, to the approval of the Superintending Officer. 

9. Prisoners may receive or send telegrams or letters, subject, of 
course, to the approval of the Superintending Officer, but no cypher 
or suspicious communication of any sort can be permitted to pass. 

10. The postal matter sent to or from prisoners is free of charge, 
in accordance with the postal convention rules. 



THE RISEN SUN 

11. Any articles or money retained for safe custody by the authori- 
ties shall be returned to the prisoners on their discharge. 

12. Any articles or money belonging to a prisoner who may die 
shall be forwarded to the Prisoners' Intelligence Board. Perishable 
goods shall be sold and the value in money so recovered shall be 
transmitted to the Board, to be dealt with in due course. 

13. The testaments found on prisoners who die shall be treated in 
precisely the same manner as those found on Japanese soldiers, and 
are to be sent to the Prisoners' Intelligence Board. 

14. The custody of prisoners may, by a special provision, be dele- 
gated to a legally established philanthropic association. (This is no 
other than the Red Cross Society of Japan.) 

15. For each pair of prisoners having officers' rank, one common 
soldier shall be selected from among the prisoners to serve in the 
capacity of personal attendant. 

ir' 16. Prisoners of officers' rank may be permitted to take an out- 
door stroll regularly on their making solemn promise not to run away 
or to transgress the disciplinary rules. Common soldiers also may 
be given this degree of liberty provided that no difficulty is experi- 
enced in keeping them in order in consequence thereof. 

17. The burial of dead prisoners is to be conducted with due mili- 
tary honours, according to the rank and position of the deceased. 
They shall be interred in one part of our military cemeteries, or a 
special plot of land shall be allotted for this purpose, according to 
circumstances. 

18. The mode of burial shall, as a rule, be that adopted in the 
ordinary interment of a corpse. (Note— The qualifying phrase, 
" as a rule," here inserted appears to indicate that whereas under 
some conditions— such as when medical precautions demand special 
treatment, in cases of infectious disease, — Japanese law requires 
that the bodies of persons who thus die shall be cremated, a similar 
rule shall apply to the corpses of prisoners of war.) 

Besides these, minute provision is made in the Regulations 
as regards the food and clothing of prisoners, for their beds 
and dressing tables, for medical attendance, and travelling ex- 
penses, and for funeral expenses in the event of their decease. 

As to the work to be done by prisoners, it was fore- 
shadowed in the Regulations first issued for their treatment 
that separate regulations might be issued if it became 
necessary to do so, and accordingly they were promulgated 
on September 16, 1904. Under these rules suitable 
work may be apportioned to the prisoners, but those of 
officers' rank may not be set to labour save at their own 
express desire. In any case the tasks allotted are never to 
be such as would be derogatory to the dignity or social 
status of the prisoners in their own land. 

A fixed tariff, according to which the prisoners are to be 

320 



TREATMENT OF WOUNDED AND PRISONERS 



remunerated for the work they execute, is appended to the 
Regulations. 

The moneys thus earned are in every instance appropriated 
to the benefit of the earners, partly to the purchase of extra 
comforts during detention, and the remainder held in trust 
for him against the day of his release, when it will be made 
over to him intact. 

Such are the benevolent desires of the legislature, and 
they are most carefully carried into effect, both in the 
spirit and in the letter. 

In the early days of the war, Matsuyama in the island of 
Shikoku was the place where prisoners were interned, but 
as their numbers increased, Himeji and Marugame were 
added, and quite recently Fukuchiyama became the fourth 
of these depots. Himeji is the chief town of the district of 
Harima in Central Niphon, and Marugame, like Matsuyama, 
is in Shikoku, close to the shores of the Inland Sea. Fuku- 
chiyama is a town in the prefecture of Kioto. All the 
places chosen have a record for salubrity of climate. 

On September 17, 1904, a detailed account of the 
prisoners then at Matsuyama, as given in a Japanese news- 
paper, showed that there were present in the several build- 
ings :— 





Officers. 


N.C.O.s 


Ordinary 
Soldiers. 


Total. 


I 










Matsuyama Public Hall 


41 


3 


33 


77 


Barracks 




26 


51 


428 


505 


Temple A. . . . 








II 


89 


100 


B. . . 








II 


103 


. 114 


c. . . 








17 


104 


121 


D. . . 






— 


3 


116 


119 


Kwan-jein-sha 






— 


33 


199 


232 


Private Building . 






18 


I 


14 


33 


II 


85 


130 


1,086 


1,301 


Healthy prisoners . . . 


59 


59 


689 


827 


Sick or wounded .... 


26 


51 


397 


474 




85 


130 


1,086 


1,301 


+ 25 








1,326 



321 



THE RISEN SUN 

The additional 25 prisoners are explained as belonging 
to the medical or sanitary corps. 

In a vernacular newspaper report dated September 19, 
it was explained that at Matsuyama, owing to the 
increasing numbers of the prisoners, it had been arranged 
to intern only the officers and the sick and wounded. The 
men were to be sent to Marugame and Himeji, but the limit 
of the Marugame accommodation being quickly reached, 
for there was only room for three hundred, and that of 
Himeji being limited to nine hundred, whereof no fewer 
than eight hundred and ninety-seven were already allotted 
to that depot, it had become necessary at once to select a 
fourth place, and the choice had fallen upon Fukuchiyama. 
There it was calculated that space could be found for nine 
hundred in all, so that in the natural order of things, as the 
campaign progresses, unless arrangements should be made 
for a speedy exchange, Japan will be called on to add per- 
ceptibly to the list of places at which internments can be 
effected with due regard to the health and well-being of the 
prisoners. 

According to the figures given in a London journal of 
November 13, the total number of prisoners, including 
all depots, were 2,200, of whom 80 were officers. This total 
seems to have been arrived at after deducting some soldiers 
who, having recovered from their wounds, but who were 
regarded as incapacitated by their injuries from further 
taking part in the present war, have, according to Japanese 
newspapers, been released on parole. This has been done 
in consonance with a special provision of the Regulations 
for treatment of prisoners.^ 

A vernacular journal dated September 17, 1904, gives an 
account of the attempts made at times by the prisoners to 
escape, though they can have but the most vague notions 
of where they would find themselves even were they to 
succeed. These efforts are prompted by a childish desire 
to regain their personal liberty at all hazards, in the hope 
of reaching their own homes in Russia. They seem to over- 
look the fact that Shikoku is an island. Of course such 
vain attempts are confined to prisoners below officers' rank, 

* Since this article was written the number of prisoners has risen 
to some 100,000, and the places of internment increased in propor- 
tion. 

322 



TREATMENT OF WOUNDED AND PRISONERS 

and the little conspiracies in which they engage are almost 
infantile in their simplicity. The prisoners of officers' rank, 
thereupon recognizing in the first place the futility of such 
attempts to get away, and the bad effect that they might 
produce on the minds of other prisoners — and apprehensive 
also that such behaviour would convey a wrong impression 
to their Japanese captors of the general disposition of the 
prisoners as a body — begged not long since that the depot 
authorities would take precautionary steps to prevent these 
attempts being made. 

As a matter of fact, the childish behaviour of the Russian 
soldiers has been often described in the Japanese journals. 
While the Russian sailor shows much fortitude under 
surgical operations, for example, the soldier will wince, and 
actually scream with the pain. One case in particular may 
be mentioned in proof of their infantile ideas. When 
Liaoyang was fought, one prisoner, on hearing of the Russian 
defeat, at first rejoiced, because, as he said, the Russian 
Government was a bad Government, but afterwards cried 
because " after the war there would be no Russia at all '* 
for him to go home to ! 

The other day I read a telegraphic despatch to a London 
journal wherein it was announced that an Urgency Edict 
had been promulgated, applicable to cases of conspiracy on 
the part of the prisoners to escape. Of course I have not 
yet seen the text of the edict, but I judge from the des- 
cription given that its issue must have been necessitated 
on account of repeated attempts of escape. 

Turn we now to another phase of the subject, and we 
shall see how the sick or wounded are treated in the field, 
and how, after a battle, those who may be lying helpless 
and in need of succour, friends and foes alike, are gathered 
in by the Japanese ambulance corps. I shall not enlarge 
on this topic, because I think that the efficiency of this 
branch of the service is known to the world at large. 
But I would like to add that on May 30, 1904, an- 
other Regulation appeared in regard to the " clearing " 
of a battlefield immediately after an engagement, and the 
burial, with due respect, of the dead. The rule applies 
to the treatment of the fallen both of the Russian 
army and our own, and the only distinction made is 
that, whereas in a general way the corpses of our own 

323 



THE RISEN SUN 

soldiers are cremated, the ashes being sent home to the 
relatives, or temporarily interred according to circumstances, 
the bodies of those who have fought against us are given 
ordinary burial in the earth, lest, I presume, by any chance 
we should offend the religious scruples of those who may 
be opposed to cremation. Occasionally only it may happen 
that for medical reasons cremation becomes absolutely essen- 
tial. 

After a battle, " clearing " companies are at once told 
off to the duty of bringing in the wounded, friend or foe, 
and carrying them to the nearest surgical station or field 
hospital. The dead are brought to convenient spots, though 
care is taken to avoid an unseemly mingling of the bodies, 
and it is expressly enjoined on all that the dead shall be 
reverently handled, friend and foe alike, though deposited 
apart to avoid confusion, and all respect shown to the 
apparent rank of the deceased, to whichever side he may 
have belonged ; for he shed his blood in his country's cause, 
and earthly animosities vanish with the passage beyond the 
veil. 

So far as it is practicable or possible to do so, the name, 
rank, office, and regiment to which he belonged is ascer- 
tained and recorded for reference in the case of every dead 
soldier, friend or foe, and all bodies are respectfully covered 
by suitable matting or other coverings. 

The places chosen for interment of the dead are to be at 
a distance from highroads, towns, villages, or camps — well 
away from watercourses or wells, on elevated sites, or on 
slopes where the soil is dry. 

Officers are buried in separate graves : the common 
soldiers may be separately interred, or in numbers not 
exceeding fifty in one grave, as circumstances may permit, 
dependent upon the exigencies of the campaign. It is 
enjoined that the excavations must be deep, never less than 
one metre between the surface and the body laid, and that 
straw or boughs of trees or shrubs shall be plentifully strewn 
beneath, and lime, coke, or some such substances placed 
above, mounds being raised over all with the soil extracted 
in digging the grave. A suitably inscribed pillar, or other 
mark, is planted by the tomb. 

According to the rank and position of the dead, the inter- 
ment shall be attended as far as may be feasible with due 

324 



TREATMENT OF WOUNDED AND PRISONERS 

honour, and whenever priests are available they shall be 
invited to perform religious rites at the graveside. This 
applies to ministers of the Christian faith, should they be 
at hand, and to both Russian and Japanese dead. 

Anything belonging to the dead — excepting firearms, 
horses, maps, or military books and documents — shall be 
sent to the Prisoners' Intelligence Board, with full descrip- 
tions of the original owners. 

It has been made the subject of special and almost sur- 
prised comment in an English journal that the French 
Embassy in St. Petersburg should have been able to report 
that large numbers of packages are regularly being received 
from Japan enclosing articles found on the bodies of Russian 
officers who have been slain in battle. Trifling sums of one 
or two roubles have thus been forwarded, not to mention 
ikons and much jewellery. A Mukden despatch, received 
by Renter's Special Service, dated November 14, quotes 
the Vestnik, the only Russian newspaper possessing 
official sanction and published in the theatre of war, as 
bearing striking testimony to the scrupulous care of the 
Japanese for the relics and effects of the Russian dead found 
on the battlefield, and to the anxiety shown in sending such 
things to St. Petersburg. The journal praises this be- 
haviour, and declares that General Kuropatkin has recom- 
mended that a similar practice should be observed towards 
the Japanese dead. 

" Loot," it was remarked, " does not enter into the 
Japanese plan of campaign." But in reality this circum- 
stance should in no way be regarded as matter for surprise, 
since it is not only a dastardly act to rob the dead of their 
valuables, and a disgrace to the military profession, no 
matter to what country the culprits may belong ; but those 
who might be disposed so to degrade themselves are warned 
by the Military Criminal Code, in the details of which the 
rank and file are carefully instructed in time of peace, that 
such unworthy acts, and also any cruel treatment of a 
wounded enemy or prisoner, or any insult to a dead foe, 
constitute crimes which deserve, and will infallibly receive, 
the severest punishment. 

In the Japanese field-hospitals wounded enemies when 
brought in are treated with precisely the same promptitude, 
cared for in exactly the same way, and shown in every 

325 



THE RISEN SUN 

respect a tender kindness equal to that meted out to our own 
sufferers. The doctors attend to the cases in regular 
sequence, without regard to the nationality of the patient, 
as has been reported by the correspondents of many Euro- 
pean and American journals. In fact, the humane con- 
sideration shown to their foes by the Japanese is so widely 
known and appreciated that it seems almost superfluous 
to cite instances as attested by European correspondents, 
for Russians have themselves joined in vouching for the 
accuracy of these assurances. 

It is somewhat painful to be obliged to reverse the picture 
and show what is on the other side in regard to the character 
of the common Russian soldier, and I shall therefore content 
myself with giving a brief note or two to prove that a high 
standard of honour cannot be said to prevail among them. 
In a recent issue of a Japanese paper, the fact was com- 
mented upon that Russian sailors who had been made 
prisoners had begged that their captors would not insist on 
their sharing the same quarters as the Russian soldiers who 
were also captives. The explanation of this dislike to be 
mingled with their fellow-countrymen was that the Russian 
sailor considers the soldier very much beneath himself in 
respect of discipline and personal habits, so much so that it 
is impossible for them to associate on equal terms. It strikes 
one as being very much a case of " the pot calling the kettle 
black," but their wishes have been acceded to, lest disorder 
should result. The other anecdote, the substantial accuracy 
of which there is no reason to doubt, comes from the battle- 
field itself, where two Russian soldiers were, by a truly 
remarkable combination of circumstances, killed by a single 
bullet. One was in the act of robbing the other ! The hand 
of the thief was in the pocket of his wounded and prostrate 
comrade, his fingers grasping a coin, when death came to 
them both. It is inconceivable that a Japanese trooper 
would seek to rob the wounded, dead, or dying, still less his 
fellow-countryman. 

Within the present month a Russian medical officer. Dr. 
Matureef, who was captured by the Japanese, has related 
his experiences, and they fully bear out my contention. He 
had lost his way, and so fell into the hands of the outpost 
guards. Having questioned him on various points, the 
Staff Adjutant told the Doctor that by the rules of the Inter- 

326 



TREATMENT OF WOUNDED AND PRISONERS 

national Convention he was free, and he was quartered for 
the night at the building occupied by the Chief of Gen- 
darmes, given good food, and well looked after. Four days 
afterwards he was escorted by two cavalrymen towards the 
outposts of the Russian vanguard, the Japanese doctor of 
the Cavalry Staff thoughtfully providing him, as he explains 
in detail, with chicken, biscuits, lemonade, and cigarettes. 
When across the river separating the two armies Doctor 
Matureef was given a passport, and a compass was presented 
to him, so that he should have no difficulty in rejoining the 
Russian forces, which he succeeded in doing next day. 

The Japanese soldier, it has been said, makes war as 
becomes a gentleman. It may not be quite fitting for me 
to express an opinion, but I venture nevertheless to say 
that the commendation thus bestowed is not ill-deserved. 
And this brings me to the narration of a rather amusing 
incident. A Russian prisoner was being conducted by a 
young Japanese soldier to the Japanese camp, and was agree- 
ably surprised to find the Japanese so kind to him. In order 
to show his appreciation the prisoner suddenly embraced 
his captor and sought to kiss him. But the Japanese 
trooper had had no experience of this kind of salutation, 
and accordingly, fancying that the Russian intended to bite 
him, he administered a severe thump on the back, and 
thenceforward led his captive at arm's length. Presently, 
on arriving at the camp, the Japanese reported the matter 
to his superior officer, and the whole affair was then ex- 
plained on both sides, to the great hilarity of friends and foe. 
Comical as was the incident, it serves to illustrate the temper 
of our soldiers, and their liberal treatment of an enemy who 
may be at their mercy. 

The truth is that Japanese soldiers are taught to be 
humane, for every Japanese child is brought up to believe 
in kindness to animals, and warned that he must never be 
cruel to any living thing. The injunction dates back to the 
days when the Buddhist faith held greater sway, for in those 
days when Buddhism was at the zenith of its influence in 
Japan, even Imperial decrees were often issued forbidding 
wanton Sessho, i.e. killing the living. This sentiment 
seems to have been engrafted in the minds of the Japanese 
in general, and the fact is so often noticed by the Western 
writers who visited Japan. But the reluctance to take ad- 

327 



THE RISEN SUN 

vantage of, or show disrespect to a fallen or wounded foe 
comes also from yet another source, for in Bushido, or 
principles of Japanese Knighthood, of which something has 
been said already, compassion for a beaten or surrendered 
foe forms one of the most conspicuous features, and the 
influence of Bushido has never been more exemplified, 
perhaps, than in these modern days of scientific slaughter. 



328 



CHAPTER V 

AN ANSWER TO CERTAIN UNFAIR CHARGES AGAINST JAPAN ^ 

I AM in receipt, from a Press-cutting office, of an article 
entitled " Question de Droit International," which 
appeared in the French periodical Revue Russ (March 24, 
1904), and have read it through with much interest. 

It is asserted as an utterance of a no less eminent jurist 
than M. Edouard Clunet, who was recently charged with 
defending the French interest relating to the Venezuelan 
question before the International Tribunal at The Hague. 
The arguments of the article, however, appear to me in 
many respects to be not exactly to the point, and are 
almost like logic based on false premisses — so much so, 
that I almost think that M. Clunet's purport must have 
suffered much twisting to suit the Russian convenience. 
I therefore beg to be allowed to offer some answer to it, 
not from the point of view of the politician, but as a jurist. 

The first question the article deals with is : " Whether 
or not Japan had the right of attacking by surprise the 
Russian squadrons at Port Arthur without a preliminary 
declaration of war." 

M. Clunet admits that there is much controversy among 
the writers on International law on the necessity of a 
declaration of war preceding its commencement. He 
also speaks of the great difference existing upon this point 
between the Continental writers and those of Anglo-Saxon 
communities. For me, however, there is no necessity of 
resorting to the Anglo-Saxon views, because, as I believe, 
I can just as well refute M. Clunet's argument, by follow- 
ing the same continental line of argument as M. Clunet 
himself. I may also mention that M. Clunet, whilst he 

^ The English original of an article printed in Le Memorial Diplo- 
matique, April, 1904. 

329 



THE RISEN SUN 

adduces some facts as precedents in favour of his views, 
ignores the contrary precedents which are so numerous, 
Russia herself not being any exception to them. 

As a matter of fact, according to a report compiled in 
the intelligence branch of the Quartermaster-General's 
Department of England, less than ten instances have 
occurred during 171 years (from 1700 to 1870) where 
declarations of war have been issued prior to hostilities, 
whilst 107 cases are recorded in which hostilities have been 
commenced without such declaration of war. But these 
historical precedents I will also dispense with. And, more- 
over, the first shot of the present war between Japan and 
Russia was fired by a Russian gunboat at Chemulpo. But 
that fact, too, I will not touch. I will simply proceed to 
deal with M. Clunet's discourse. 

M. Clunet says that even those writers who do not 
regard a preliminary declaration as an absolute necessity 
maintain, with exception of the English, the obligation of, 
to use his phrase, " une mise en demeure expresse." 

Here he recites, as an example, the precedent of the 
Franco-German War of 1870. He says : — 

" On that occasion a note was handed to the Prussian Foreign 
Minister by the French Charge d' Affaires in BerUn terminating in the 
words : " En consequence le Gouvernement fran9ais se considere 
des a present en etat de guerre avec la Prusse." 

Was not exactly the same thing done by the Japanese 
Government before the commencement of the present 
war ? True it is that the Japanese did not say : " Now 
and henceforward we are enemies," but she did say — 
setting forth her reasons for the step fully — that henceforth 
she must feel free to take " independent action " as she 
may deem best for the maintenance of her interests. The 
difference is only a matter of degree of politeness. But, to 
M. Clunet, I would say, Japan has been always taught by 
her Occidental masters that nothing could be too polite 
in diplomacy. And, besides, when the Japanese note 
of January 13 was given to Russia it was clearly made 
known to the latter that it was the maximum concession 
Japan could make, and subsequently it was made clear 
that Japan expected to get Russia's answer at latest in 
the course of the first two days of February. It was 

330 



AN ANSWER TO CERTAIN UNFAIR CHARGES 

virtually an ultimatum which M. Clunet speaks of. He 
says that a simple rupture of diplomatic relations does 
not amount to " une mise en demeure." He gives 
two reasons for this assertion, which are to the effect : 
first, that a rupture of diplomatic relations does not neces- 
sarily prevent its revival ; secondly, that it is not suf- 
ficient to make the adversary know the exact satisfac- 
tion the other party wishes to have. This argument 
may hold good in many cases, but is it, I ask M. Clunet, 
applicable to the case we have before us ? In other words, 
was the rupture of diplomatic relations between Russia 
and Japan such a mere rupture as that M. Clunet speaks of ? 
Russia, besides those fleets and army which she already 
had in the Far East, had been sending out warship after 
warship, pouring in her men, regiment after regiment, to the 
Far East. Everything tended to show in an unmistakable 
way that a war was deemed to be imminent, not to speak 
of the persistent arrogancy displayed in her diplomacy 
throughout, despite the most moderate attitude maintained 
by Japan, whose concessions actually went so far that they 
were recently characterized by the Times of London as 
" exceedingly near a surrender." Whether it was for the 
purpose of intimidating Japan, or that war was really there 
and then intended, we do not know ; but one thing is certain, 
that Russia cannot plead that she was unprepared or that 
she was taken by surprise. I may here mention an incident 
in point. The Russian fleet at Port Arthur left the Port 
and steamed out south-eastward just two days after the 
days on which we understood that we were to get Russia's 
final reply and two days before the actual rupture of dip- 
lomacy took place. It was most certainly a warlike 
demonstration. When intelligence to that effect reached 
Japan, it caused most intense anxiety to large numbers of 
Japanese, who were speculating on its destination. It might 
be intended to attack some important point of our islands. 
It might be escorting Russian army transports, or it might 
be covering the flanks of the advancing troops of Russia 
into Korea. The final rupture of diplomacy took place 
amidst all these uncertainties. Previously to that, Japan 
had repeated her protests against being trifled with by her 
adversary throughout the whole course of the negotia- 
tions, and she had expected that her note, which she had 

331 



THE RISEN SUN 

given Russia on January 13, might at least be treated in 
earnest. But it was not treated so, and thereupon the very 
last note, i.e. an intimation of Japan's last decision as to 
" the independent action," was given to the Russian Govern- 
ment through the Japanese Minister in St. Petersburg as 
well as the Russian minister in Tokio on February 6. It 
was only after that that our fleets were ordered to proceed 
to their objective points. They might have encountered 
the Russian squadrons proceeding south-eastward, as many 
thought. The Russian squadrons, however, had returned 
to Port Arthur, the Variag and the Corietz having been 
left in Chemulpo as before. The ships which went back to 
Port Arthur lay in perfect battle array outside the entrance 
of the port in front of the batteries on the shore at the moment 
of the commencement of fighting. We do not know for 
what purpose the Russian squadrons once left Port Arthur 
and returned there again, but the fact is as above described. 
Can any one say under these circumstances that Russia 
was unprepared, or that she was taken by surprise ? True it 
is the officers might have been unprepared at the moment, 
but that should be looked upon as an " unguarded moment." 
If so, it must be accounted a matter of negligence on the part 
of her commanders or a proof of their misconception of the 
strategy which the situation demanded. Some say that 
the Russian officers were on land for the purpose of cele- 
brating the birthday of their admiral. It may be true, but 
Japan cannot be made responsible for that. M. Clunet 
says : — 

It was very regrettable that Japan, after she had attached so 
much value to the rules and customs of modern international law, 
after she had adhered to the Declaration of Paris in 1856, relating to 
the laws of maritime warfare and also to the Convention of Geneva, 
and after having participated in the works of the international 
Conference at Hague, July 1899, should have behaved in such a 
manner as she did on the night of February 8, and 9 last." 

I must say in reply that Japan respects the Declaration 
of Paris and Convention of Geneva ; she is earnest in her 
desire for promoting the work of the international tribunal 
of the Hague ; she strives to be behind none in adhering to 
all the essential points of modern international law. I am 
glad to see that M. Clunet largely recognizes this fact, but 

332 



AN ANSWER TO CERTAIN UNFAIR CHARGES 

sorry to hear him say that the Japanese, in spite of it all, 
are still guided by principles of sudden aggression, based 
solely on the justification of a tension of diplomatic relations ; 
for it is not a fact. Japan acted, he continues, in the same 
manner as in her war with China in 1894, when one of 
her cruisers sunk an English ship the Kowsching, chartered 
by China, before any declaration of war was made or any 
ultimatum was sent. 

Here again the fact differs considerably from what he has 
set forth. The fact relating to the Kowsching was as follows. 
She was conveying some Chinese troops to Korea for the 
purpose of augmenting those forces that were there already. 
She was escorted by a number of Chinese warships. Our 
fleet met them off the Korean coast, and there a battle ensued 
in which the Kowsching was sunk, and several Chinese war- 
vessels were sunk or damaged. It was not the sinking of a 
single merchantman by cruisers, as is so often wantonly 
done by Russia. At that time, too, the first shots were 
fired at our vessels by the Chinese, and, moreover, a few 
days before that a note of warning had already been given 
by the Japanese Government to the Chinese Govern- 
ment to the effect that the dispatch of any more troops 
for the purpose of augmenting the army already sent 
to Korea would be deemed by the government of 
Japan as a casus belli. The Kowsching was engaged in 
a task which was precisely identical with that which was 
alluded to in that warning. Technically speaking, the 
warning of Japan fully justified the sinking of the Kows- 
ching and that was enough. But Japan did not base her justi- 
fication on that ground alone. It was I who, representing the 
Government, went down to Sasebo, where the captives and 
a captured ship were brought, with all haste from Tokio, 
and made a thorough investigation of the affair. I took 
full statements from the foreign captives, who were officers 
of the Kowsching. I was quite satisfied that there was 
nothing wrong on the part of our fleet. We had full ground 
for justification without taking into account the fact 
of our warning having previously been given to our 
adversary. I settled everything, and sent the foreign cap- 
tives to Nagasaki and set them free. I wrote a full report 
of the affair without mentioning a word about previous 
warning, as I thought that part of our justification might 

333 



THE RISEN SUN 

well be used by the Minister for Foreign Affairs if needed. 
That report was made public,and it was subsequently inserted 
in several books written in foreign languages, French and 
English, and I believe, from the fact that M. Clunet knows 
so much about books written by the Japanese on that sub- 
ject that he must have seen it. It seems, therefore, very 
unfair on the part of M. Clunet to quote the case of the 
Kowsching in the way he does, placing Japan in such an 
unfavourable light. M. Clunet finishes this part of his argu- 
ment in these words : — 

lis (les Russes) savaient qu'en cas de desaccord manifeste, 
le Japon se reservait d'estimer sans mot dire, qu'il etait en etat 
de guerre et qu'il jugeait legitime de recourir a la violence sans 
autre forme de procds. 

This is really too harsh an accusation to have emanated from 
such an eminent jurist as M. Clunet, he having, in truth, no 
facts to sustain it. It is the more to be regretted that he is 
reported to have brought this accusation after he had seen 
the official reply of the Government of Japan to the Russian 
charges. 

The next point discussed by M. Clunet is whether or not 
Japan is justified in disembarking her troops on Korean terri- 
tory. On this point I have not much to say, because M. 
Clunet makes it clear that the right of neutrality is a right 
given to a neutral country itself, not to the belligerents. 
Korea is inclined to side with Japan. The disembarkation 
of the Japanese troops was effected with her full consent, 
and she has even become Japan's open ally. There is no- 
thing left for Russia to complain of. I only wish to add a 
few words to the effect that in the present case of war, from 
the very nature of the difference between Russia and Japan, 
and also of the situation of Korea, she, Korea, occupies a 
position materially different from that of a third Power, in 
ordinary cases of war ; but on this point I need not go any 
further because the very fact of her becoming Japan's ally, 
as M. Clunet says, settles everything. 

The third point discussed in the article is whether or not 
Japan has the right of establishing a prize court by herself. 
On this point I have no desire to refute what M. Clunet 
says ; on the contrary, I welcome it. He says that not only 
has Japan the right, but that she is even bound to establish 

334 



AN ANSWER TO CERTAIN UNFAIR CHARGES 

her prize court. He goes farther, and says that the organiza- 
tion of the Japanese prize court is, at least in theory, superior 
to that of his own country, on the ground that, while a 
French prize court is purely administrative, the majority 
of the members of the Japanese prize court consists of 
judicial functionaries. It is not my business to speak about 
the French prize court, but I appreciate M. Clunet's fairness 
on this point. 

The fourth point discussed in the article is, whether or 
not Japan has any right to embarrass Russian warships in 
Korean ports or territorial waters. On this point also M. 
Clunet applies his theory of the right of neutrality as in the 
preceding case and with such exactness that I have not a 
particle of wish to refute him. He says : — 

La neutralite et ses regies sont etablies ici dans I'int^rdt du 
neutre et non dans I'inter^t du bellig^rant. 

If Korea had remained a neutral, Russia would have had 
no right to complain of us ; still less so, a fortiori^ has she 
this right, when Korea has become Japan's ally. 

The last point discussed in the article is whether or not 
Japan was justified in expelling the Russian Minister from 
Korea. M. Clunet says that no belligerent has a right to 
expel a representative of his adversary who is accredited to 
a third state from the latter's territory, [and he assumes 
that " Japan, under the circumstances, has committed an 
abuse of power and a violation of international law." An 
accusation like this might be made were there any facts to 
sustain it. But no such thing has been done by Japan. 
The Russian Charge d' Affaires himself wished on his own 
account to withdraw with his suite from the capital of Korea, 
and this intention was communicated to the Japanese 
Minister in Korea, upon which an escort was furnished for 
him, in accordance with his desire, to Chemulpo. This fact is 
most plainly set forth in the reply of the Japanese Govern- 
ment, of which M. Clunet ought to have had full knowledge. 



335 



CHAPTER VI 

EAST AND WEST AFTER THE WAR ^ 

IMMEDIATELY the question of peace between the 
warring parties in the Far East is seriously mooted, 
and long before the Treaty of Peace is actually signed, the 
question of the future relationship between East and West 
leaps into a new and suggestive prominence. A normal 
state or equilibrium of international relationship will have 
to be settled, and when that is accomplished, how will 
affairs as between East and West be likely to stand ? 

In the first place, I am confident that the day will come 
when the Yellow Peril cry will be viewed, out and out, as hav- 
ing been merely a passing fantasy. There can be no Yellow 
Peril in the form of a military expedition, that is to say, an 
attack by the Asiatics, combined under the leadership of 
one or another of the Asiatic Powers, upon the Western 
nations. This I can state positively from the very nature 
of the Eastern civilization, from the characteristics of the 
Chinese, the effacement of the ancient martial spirit amongst 
the Tartar and Mongolian races, and also from the aspira- 
tions of the Japanese on the lines of Western civilization. 
And, moreover, the condition of the world has changed very 
greatly from the time when great nomadic leaders were able 
to carry on distant expeditions. All these points I hope 
I have fully elucidated in my chapter on " Chinese Expansion 
historically reviewed." China will be as peaceful a nation 
as she has been hitherto ; Japan will be doing her best in 
advancing her civilization which will tend more and more to 
assimilate her with the West. It is possible China might 
introduce some reform into her military system, but it would 
only be for her self-protection, and would amount to nothing 

^ Deutsche Revue, May 1905, written in the form of a letter. 



AFTER THE WAR 

more than the poHcing of her own land. China will not pick 
a quarrel with any other nations. She knows that she 
wants no expansion of her territory ; she needs no colony. 
If she were to engage herself in any foreign enterprise with 
a political view, she would emerge from it in only a worse 
condition than she was before. Japan might give advice 
to China in some matters which would be beneficial for the 
development of her industry and commerce, or even in 
regard to some of her public institutions, but Japan knows 
well the nature and characteristics of the Chinese, so that she 
can judge where to stop. If Japan were too officious in 
such matters, she would only meet with resistance on the 
part of the Chinese in one way or other, and thus she would 
be viewed rather in an unfavourable light than a favourable 
one. The case would somewhat resemble that of a man 
meddling with the domestic affairs of his neighbour. This 
will show that there is no fear of a Yellow Peril in the way of 
a military attack, but these same people might say, could 
you guarantee that Japan would not develop in her industry 
and commerce. This, of course, I cannot guarantee. Then 
they would say there would be an economic Yellow Peril ; 
in other words, Japanese industry and commerce would 
destroy the markets of the West in the East. I wish Japan 
had such potentiahty, but, alas, it would take many, many 
centuries before Japan could present even the semblance of 
such manufacturing prosperity as this. It is true the 
foreign commerce of Japan has made very rapid progress 
during the last twenty or thirty years, and we have confi- 
dence that it will increase to some extent in future, though 
not perhaps in the same ratio as hitherto. But what is, 
after all, Japan's economical capacity when compared with 
that of the great nations of the West ? The volume of the 
total commerce of Japan represents in reality but a very 
small percentage of theirs. It would take Japan a long 
time to reach the same plane, but supposing that Japan 
really had some sort of potentiality in the matter, why need 
it make outsiders cry out about the Yellow Peril ? Has 
not any nation or any individual the right, I may say the 
duty, of ameliorating their livelihood as much as possible, 
so long as the process is carried on by peaceful and orderly 
methods ? What is the use of the Westerners talking about 
Christian morality, and where is the justice of the Occiden- 

337 ^ 



THE RISEN SUN 

tals speaking of their civilization and enlightenment, if they 
think that the peaceful and orderly amelioration of the con- 
dition of an individual or a nation is to be censured as a 
matter of misconduct and wickedness ? The time has, I 
think, gone by when one can talk in such a way as that. It 
seems to me that a thing which is wrong for a part is also 
wrong for the whole, so that anything wrong for an individual 
is also wrong for a nation. We the Easterners cannot uphold 
the theory that there can be no morality in international 
intercourse. In the East also more than twenty centuries 
ago there was a school of philosophy which supported a 
theory in politics almost identical with Machiavelism. That 
theory, however, was altogether demolished in the East 
soon after it was propagated, and we still believe in the neces- 
sity of morality in state-dealings as much as in individual 
dealings. Some may think it foolish, perhaps, but, if so, we 
are satisfied with being foolish in such matters. 

As a matter of fact, however, I believe that after this 
war, commerce between the Far East and the West will 
make further progress. The West is beginning to under- 
stand the Far East better, and conversely the Far East 
is also beginning to understand the West better ; and this 
cannot but tend to make the mutual relationship closer and 
closer. With it naturally commerce will also increase. 
Besides, if the Orientals are allowed in the Far East to 
develop their industry, they will acquire more purchasing 
power, the result of which will of course be an increase of 
trade. Some Westerners appear to think that all the 
articles which they export to the Far East at present may 
in the future be manufactured out there. This I consider 
to be a mere chimera. The world is wide enough for all. 
The Far East cannot set up its factories in such rapid fashion 
as to crowd out the West from its markets in such a short 
time as seems to be anticipated. Besides, human demands 
change from time to time ; new materials can be made to 
supply new demands. Then, also, it is economically true 
that some goods may be manufactured or produced in some 
particular country cheaper or better than others, and thus 
there is always plenty of room for exporting the goods of 
one country to another because the things, produced or 
made where they can be produced or made cheaper or better, 
or can only be obtainable in one particular country on account 

. 338 



AFTER THE WAR 

of the providential will of nature, can always find their way 
into other countries where they are not obtainable so cheaply 
or so good or could never be produced. Then again, it is 
needless to state that human beings are swayed by various 
caprices : in many instances they like to possess things 
made in a foreign country, even when the same things could 
be made as well or better in their own land. The American 
ladies like to get French drapery, the consequence is that 
American-made drapery is often sent to France and re-im- 
ported to America after merely having been re-labelled there. 
I ask again, does not Germany fabricate a great quantity of 
Oriental goods, especially Japanese, and sell them in England 
and elsewhere ? This will demonstrate the tendency toward 
a liking for foreign goods, and therefore while it continues 
the genuine ones will as a matter of fact always be in demand. 
My first conviction is that Occidental goods will always find 
their way into the Far East in one way or other, and con- 
versely, though not perhaps to the same extent. Oriental 
goods also will find their way to the West, in the future just 
as much as they have done in the times gone by, only in a 
greater proportion. There may be some rise and fall 
observable in particular branches of commerce, but taken 
as a whole there would be no diminution. Nay ! we may even 
look for an augmentation. 

Some people fear that complications might arise between 
the Occidentals and Orientals on account of differences of 
race and religion. I have, however, very little fear on this 
score. The Orientals by nature have very little liking or 
dislike on the score of racial differences or resemblance. 
The very nature of their ethical training makes them in- 
different to those matters. It is especially the case with the 
Japanese. Of course they dislike arrogancy and resent in- 
justice, but, so long as their pride or susceptibility be not 
violated, they are most friendly with other peoples. Be- 
sides, we know how to respect, the Occidentals : and the 
more we feel our responsibility, the more this will be the case. 
Rightly or wrongly, Japan is spoken of as having become a 
great nation. On this account Japan feels more responsi- 
bility, and she will ever try to keep up her good relation- 
ship with the Occidentals, and in doing so will seek to traverse, 
more and more, the same paths of civilization. Consequently, 
there need be very little fear of Japan hating the Occidentals. 

339 



THE RISEN SUN 

China cannot but follow in Japan's footsteps, so far as she 
is able to do so. The question of the difference of religion 
is to be disposed of in the same way. The Orientals have 
very little prejudice against any religion. They will never 
show any animosity to Occidentals on account of religious 
differences. Therefore, so long as the Occidentals do not 
affect to despise the Orientals on account of racial or religious 
differences, there will be no complications. The responsi- 
bility in these matters falls on the shoulders of the Wester- 
ners. It behoves Occidentals not to despise the Orientals 
too much as an inferior race, nor to make any misrepresen- 
tation based on the assumption of their own religion differing 
from what it ought to be, nor to inflict injustice in the name 
of religion. If these courtesies are observed, the East and 
the West can get on very well together. 

I must, however, say one thing, if you wish me to be 
candid, and it is as follows : — 

Rightly or wrongly, the true aspect of Oriental civilization, 
whatever^value it may possess, seems to have become better 
known to the West. After this war the West may to some 
extent have to change its estimation of the East. The 
Occidentals can no longer be justified if they continue to 
regard themselves as the only privileged peoples under 
Heaven, and imagine that they may do anything against 
the Orientals which they could not do amongst themselves 
against one another. It must be regarded as a matter of 
iniquity if they still strive to exact from the East without 
giving anything in return, as they used to do in the times gone 
by. They would, I consider, find it more advantageous, and 
it certainly would be more equitable, that they should respect 
the integrity of China and put aside any lurking intention 
they may have of cutting her in pieces, because in doing so 
there are many dangers and risks which they profess a 
desire to avoid. People going out to the East would be wise 
to give up the old habit of giving themselves too many airs. 
Our antagonists in the war did their best to persuade all 
the Western nations that they ought all to combine in crush- 
ing a poor small country like Japan, on the ground chiefly 
that their religions were akin, and had a similar designation. 
But the religions of the West are not necessarily identical ; 
and besides deeds are more important than words. The 
ethical notions of the Japanese may be defective in many 

340 



AFTER THE WAR 

ways, but in many things the Japanese practice more strictly 
conforms to the rules which it behoves any one belonging to 
any religion to obey. This fact, we are glad to say, seems 
to have been recognized by many impartial people in 
the Occidental nations, so that I think Russia has utterly 
failed in her attempt to excite popular animosity against 
my country on account of a difference of rehgion. This 
fact, I think, is also to be taken into consideration in future 
by the world at large. It is, as it seems to us, a most cruel 
thing to inculcate hatred of us in the minds of the people at 
large, especially amongst the school-age population of any 
nation. Our earnest desire is that any such method, if it 
exists, should be discarded, and that a good friendship should 
be upheld between East and West on just and equitable 
lines. If things were done in this way Japan would be only too 
glad to follow any examples that she might discover worth 
following, and then there would be no conflict between the Far 
East and the West to disturb the tranquillity and prosperity 
of the whole world- — a harmony which must be deemed to 
be in accordance with the will of the divine Power above. 
My statement may be open to many a criticism ; if so, 
criticize or condemn as you like ; — but these are my convic- 
tions, founded upon my own candid and I hope impartial 
views of the future, — and my only desire is that they may 
be of some service in promoting and cementing the utmost 
goodwill between my country and yours. 



341 



Epilogue' 



ADMIRAL TOGO signalled to his fleets :-— 

The destiny of our Empire depends upon this action ; you are 
all expected to do your utmost. 

Under such auspices was the battle of Tsushima, one of 
the most momentous sea battles in history, fought and won. 
One of its consequences is that the position of Japan as one of 
the Powers has been made secure. It seems that I may now 
make this communication to you as you wish, containing as 
it does an appeal to the Western public at large to reflect 
calmly upon the proper estimation in which the Japanese 
deserve to be held. We Japanese have suffered countless 
calumnies at the hands of Western public men and writers. 
We have endeavoured to some extent to refute them, yet 
some persons* persist in propagating the same calumnies 
as they have done hitherto. The most significant example 
of this is an article which has just appeared in the Deutsche 
Revue (June 1905) from the pen of a writer alleged to be a 
French diplomatist. The whole of its contents reproduce 
the familiar Yellow Peril cry, and in my view, a worn-out, 
exploded argument. It speaks of we Japanese as barbarians 
and savages. The way it expounds such a view is amusing. 
To me it appears that the very fact that the Russians and 
their partisans are so arrogant, and at the same time so in- 
competent to form an estimate of other nations, is the key 
which discloses the causes whereby they are suffering so 
many difficulties both abroad and at home. 

The article says the Japanese have no self-respect to lose, 
and therefore, like the Jesuits, do not hesitate in adopting 

* Originally a letter to and published in the Courrier Europe dni 

342 



EPILOGUE 

any means they find to hand, so long as they serve to attain 
their object. I should like to ask the author if he has not made 
a mistake in the substantive and put the Japanese instead 
of some other people, for instance, the Russians ; for the 
whole world has now become familiar with the fact that the 
various epithets which the Russians and their partisans 
have been pleased to bestow upon the Japanese since the 
outbreak of the war, are far more appropriate if applied to 
our opponents. At all events I should like to know the 
exact definition of the terms barbarians and savages, and 
to examine them in relation to certain known facts about 
the Russians and Japanese. I have already seen many 
comparisons of this kind made by impartial observers. If 
the Russians or their partisans hope to take in the world 
by such mischievous calumny as this, their diplomacy is, I 
think, too hackneyed and obsolete. I can excuse the Russians 
in a measure for adopting such steps, but it surprises me 
when I see a Frenchman (if he really is a Frenchman who 
writes this article), who calls himself a diplomat, degrade 
himself by putting forth such an article as this. 

Not long ago, Sir F. Treves, who had been to Japan and 
to the very seat of the war, speaking on a public occasion, 
wherein he paid a very high tribute to the surgical art of 
Japan, said in the course of his speech that 

British troops entered into a war with many determinations. 
One, was to have lo per cent. sick. It was what they were accus- 
tomed to, and they got it. Now the Japanese were quite content 
with I per cent, sick, and they got it. I am perfectly confident that 
not many years hence we shall find in Japan one of the most remark- 
able schools of surgery that the world has ever seen. You will under- 
stand why. There is the infinite patience of the people ; their 
infinite tenderness — a kinder, a more sympathetic people do not 
exist — and then, " nerves " as known in this country is, so far as I 
am aware, an untranslatable term in the Japanese language. 

On the same occasion Lord Redesdale said : — 

The valour of the army and navy of Japan has been phenomenal, 
but perhaps what has been more noteworthy is the way in which they 
have treated their enemy. Every soldier and sailor of the Mikado 
has proved himself a Bayard, 

About the same time the Times of London published a 
long letter from its correspondent in Tokio comparing the 

343 



THE RISEN SUN 

characteristics of the Japanese and Russian troops. I quote 
here a part of it : — 

To grand courage the Japanese have added refined chivalry. 
They have almost succeeded in investing the barbarism of battle 
with the attributes of civilization. Onlookers hard to convince 
that any good thing could come out of the East have sought to dis- 
count Japan's merits by accusing her of playing to the gallery. An 
impossible, incredible feat. Half a million of soldiers cannot be 
converted at a moment's notice into a theatrical troupe ; cannot be 
inspired with the skill of consummate actors. Wherever the Japan- 
ese armies have passed or sojourned they have left behind them an 
unspotted reputation. Not one accusation has been preferred 
against them of pillage, of rapine, of cruelty, or of insobriety. To- 
wards the wounded they have been full of merciful helpfulness ; 
towards prisoners they have been kindly comrades. In the heart 
of hundreds of thousands of men taken from every rank in life 
materials for such displays cannot be artificially manufactured. 

In a leading article of the same paper of the same day, a 
remark is made as follows : — 

There is the foolish notion, surviving all that we have seen during 
the war, that the Japanese, not being a Christian nation, cannot 
possess what some Russian writer loftily describes as " certain 
fundamental principles of morality and justice " upon which the 
West plumes itself. If Christianity has any connexion with the 
teaching of its Founder, the Japanese might well claim to be the 
best Christians of us all. 

I do not make these quotations for the purpose of self- 
glorification, but merely as serving to show how utterly one- 
sided are the views expressed by the writer in the Deutsche 
Revue, 

The writer also speaks of the Mongolian raids of the time 
gone by. Well ; there is no fear of such raids coming from 
the Far East, as I have had on several occasions to show 
in my writings and addresses. Should there be, however, 
any such fear, is not Russia the very country which has been 
constantly practising the same sort of thing for many cen- 
turies, and is still bent upon doing so ? Are not the Mongo- 
lian and Tartar elements of the population predominant in 
the Russian communities rather than any other nations ? 
Is not the very locality where the great Mongolian leader, 
Genghis, arose, i.e. the banks of the river Onon, situated in 
a Russian province ? 

On the whole, it is a mean and miserable policy on the part 

344 



EPILOGUE 

of the Russians and their partisans to try to arouse the sus- 
picions of different Powers against Japan by such means as 
those adopted by the writer of the article to which I refer. 
Only a little time ago a similar calumny was published in 
America by some Russian agents. The American answer, 
the summary of which was telegraphed to London, was 
very short and to the point, and it ran thus : " So long as 
Japan does not imitate Russian diplomacy, American 
sympathy for Japan will never diminish one iota." 

We have not the least idea of giving ourselves airs, nor 
do we like to run down our opponents, especially at a time 
when they are suffering from repeated defeat ; it is merely on 
account of the large amount of prejudice which exists against 
us that I cannot help making a protest of this kind. 

In the natural course of events it is necessary that friendly 
intercourse should be established between the East and the 
West. Nevertheless, so long as this absurd kind of prejudice 
exists, it is impossible that any such friendship should be 
established. To me it seems that it is already time that 
the Western people, especially our adversaries and their 
partisans, should put away such prejudices. We have 
always recognized the superiority of the Western nations, in 
respect of modern, and especially mechanical civilization, 
and we regard them as our teachers and seniors, but this 
does not, for all that, mean that the Japanese have hitherto 
been such barbarians or savages as the writer asserts. Even 
before we began our intercourse with the Western nations, 
we had our own civilization. True it is that the style of 
that civilization was different from that of the West, but 
it cannot on that account be held in contempt. As a matter 
of fact, we are not really parvenus. We have changed styles 
and modes of our own and adopted^those of the Western 
countries in many ways; but if the Occidentals say, 
because the old civilization of the Far East was different 
in kind, that therefore the people who owned its sway were 
barbarous and savage, they are much mistaken. 

We Japanese have arts, for instance, which are very 
different from those of Europe, but they are very old. Artis- 
tic taste also is widely spread among the Japanese. Can any 
one affirm that Japanese arts are barbarous and savage ? 
Can any nation possessing that kind of art and artistic taste 
permeating every rank of society, be barbarous and savage ? 

345 



THE RISEN SUN 

In the West, I admit, there are a vast number of people who 
are very rich. There are also a vast number of big buildings, 
but do they necessarily imply that European society is 
perfect ? One can see easily enough that the majority of 
Western people have a very small share indeed in whatever 
enjoyment is to be derived from inhabiting these big build- 
ings. Some families, of course, live in large houses, but many 
only live in flats or small houses, without good accom- 
modation or a bit of ground attached to them. Are people 
in that way necessarily happier and more prosperous than 
those who live in houses which are smaller but cleaner, 
and which mostly belong to their occupants, with grounds 
as well ? Are there not in the West a vast number of 
families who are far more miserable than any among the 
Japanese ? It is commonly assumed that the moral notions 
of the West are far superior to those of an Eastern people ; 
but is this literally true, I ask. Are there not a vast number 
of people whose morality is detestable, especially in the 
eastern parts of Europe ? I do not like to enlarge any 
more in this strain. We are quite prepared to regard 
Western nations as being our superiors, but we are obliged 
now and then to make this kind of protest when calumnies 
are made against us by Occidental critics who seem able so 
strangely and signally to ignore the conditions by which 
they themselves are actually surrounded. 



346 



Index 



Abe-no-oshi, 212 

Akasaka, 256 

Akashi, 212 

Ai-gun, 52 

Alexeieff, Admiral, 22, 28, 31, 33, 
52, 53, 65, 80, 82, 84, 85, 95, 
100 

Alexis, Grand Duke, 95 

Alpine Club, the, 225 

Alps, the, 225 

America, United States of, 3, 
III, 207, 249, 294, 316, 339, 
345 ; relations with Great 
Britain and Japan, 6, 11, 12, 
309 ; her policy in China, 1 8- 
25 and 43-88 

Amur, the, 45, 46, 50, 52, 85 

Amur Gazette, the, 51 

Anderson, Dr., 209, 219 

Angelo, 218 

Anglo'- Chinese Commercial 

Treaty, the, 83 

Anglo-German Agreement, the, 
17, 61,63, 76 

Anglo- Japanese Agreement, the, 

72, 7?,, 77 
Anglo- Japanese Alliance, the, 3, 

6, 7» 316 
Anglo- Japanese Convention, the, 

22 
Anglo-Russian Agreement, the, 

85 
Annam, 279, 289, 303, 310 
Antung, 24, 83, ^7 
Aoki, Viscount, 40 
Aoki Bunzo, 108 
Ararat, Mount, 226 
Aristotle, 195 
Arisugawa, Princess, 162 
Armenians, the, 226 



Arnold, Sir Edwin, 229 
Ashikaga, 217, 218 
Aston, Mr., 215, 229, 234 
Austria-Hungary, 62 



Baba Sajiuro, 109 
Bakin, 233, 234 
Bakufu, 239 
Bankoku-Zusetsu, 108 
Barrow, General, 61 
Baudin, M., in 
Beckendorff, Count, 23, 26 
Belgium, 57, 72 
Benkendorff, Count, 84 
BerHn, 44, 330 
Besobrazoff, M., 80, 82, 84 
Bigham, 46 
Black Sea, the, 4 
Blagovestchensk, 25, 45, 46, 51 

85 
Bodhi-Dharma, 191 
Bodhisattva, 200 
Bokhara, Russian Resident at, 

18 
Boxer rising, the, 6, 16, 34, 39, 

43, 56, 71, 294, 314 
Britain, See Great Britain 
British Association, the, 224 
British East India Company, 

the, 105, 117 
Buddha, 134, 190, 200 ; Buddha 

of Kamakura, the, 210, 217 ; 

Buddha of Vara, the, 209, 

210 
Buddhism, 119, 138, 141, 177- 

207, 286, 327 
Billow, Count von, yy 
Bunchio, 220 
Burmah, 179, 289 



347 



INDEX 



Bushi, 137, 186, 189-193 
Bushido, 119, 186-193, 206, 312, 

317. 325 
Buttes Chaumont, the, 227 



Calais, 301 

Cambodia, 303 

Cambridge, 224, 232 

Cassini Convention, the, 65 

Cathay, 276 

Celestial Empire, the, 20 

Central Asian Society, the, 269 

Centurion, H.M.S., 53 

Chan-kue, 272 

Charity Hospital, the, 162 

Chemulpo, 38, 92, 330, 332, 335 

Chickshi, Lord Lieutenant of, 
214 

Chihli, 16 

Chikudan, 220 

China, 10 ;(relationswith Japan), 
13-91 ; (Great Powers in), 131, 
146, 177, 191, 193, 217, 269- 
297 ; (expansion of), 303-3 1 1 ; 
(Franco- Japanese relations in), 

32,3, 337, 346 
Chinchow, 68 

Chin dynasty, the, 273, 274, 282 
Ching dynasty, the, 126 
Ching, Prince, 22, 24, 64, 74, 77, 

78,81,82,86,87 
Chin-huang-ti, 273 
Chiujio-no-Meifu, 212 
Chino-American Treaty, the, Zt, 
Chino-Japanese Treaty, the, 2,7 
Chino- Japanese War, the, 5, 14, 

65,256 
Chiushingura, 238 
Cho-densu, 217 
Cho-Koran, 155 
Chokunin, the, 116 
Chosiu, 107, no. III, 167 
Chow dynasty, the,*267, 271, 272, 

279 
Chowsen, 279, 280, 281 
Christianity, 194, 196, 325 ; era 

of, 134, 184 
Chu, 272 

Chunchu, 272 - 

Chunchuses, the, 82 



Clunet, M. Edouard, 329, 330, 

331, 332, 334, 335 

Cochin China, 271, 301 

Commencement of Studies in 
Dutch, the, 106 

Confucianism, 119, 177-207 

Confucius, 177, 272 

Conger, Mr., 74, 75,77 

Convention of Greece, the, 332 

Corietz, the, 332 

Correspondence regarding the 
Russian occupation of Man- 
churia and Newchang, 1 3 

Courrier Europeen, the, 342 

Co wen, Mr., 317 

Coxinga, 278 

Cradock, Commander, 38 

Daigensui, 251 

Daily Telegraph, the, 228 

Daini-no-Naishi-nb-suke, 12, 213 

Dalny, 14, 100 

De Bazan, Don Caesar, 169 

De Staal, M., 21 " 

Declaration of Paris, 332 

Deutsche Revue, the, 336, 342, 

344 
Denzen, 109 
Detring, Mr., 61 
De Witte, M., 80 
Dual Shintoism, 200 
Dutch, the, 105 
Dziandjiem of Mukden, the, 66 

East Chinese Railway, the, 14, 

27, 29, S7, 84, 85, 8'6 
East India Company, the, 105, 

117 
Echo de Paris, the, 299 
Educational Imperial Rescript, 

the, 120 
Emperor of Japan, the, 239, 242, 

243, 248, 265 
England, See Great Britain 
Entente Cordiale, the, 1 1 
Ethological Society, the, 130 

Feng-tai, 54 
Feng-tien, 17 
Feng-whang-cheng, 24 
Ferry, M. Jules, 310 



348 



INDEX 



Fokien, 30 

Formosa, 123W, 156, 172, 248, 

300, 301, ; insurrection in, 5 
Fortnightly Review, the, 239 
France, 3, 14, 62, 7^,, no, 236, 

339 ; relations with Japan, 11, 

298-311 
Franco-German War, the, 330 
Freshfield, Mr. Douglas, 224, 

225, 226 
Fuji-Yama, 206, 226, 227 
Fukko, 200, 239, 246 
Fushimi, Castle of, 218 
Fukuchiyama, 321, 322 

Garibaldi, 316 

Gaselee, General Sir A., 60, 321 

Gen family, the, i6gn, 188, 190 

Geneva Conference, the, 317 

Genghis khan, 277, 288, 294, 344 

Genji, 211, 212, 214 

Genji Monogatari, 155, 211, 215, 

230 
Gennai, Hiraga, 108 
Gensan, 29 
German- Japanese Treaty, the, 

113 
Germany, 11, 56, 61, 62, 66, 67, 

76, 77, III ; policy in China, 

16-22 passim 
Gidayu-bon, 234 
Glover, Mr., 5 

Gon-Chiunagon, 211, 214, 215 
Great Britain, 81, 85, no, 184, 

236, 316; relations with Japan, 

1-12 ; policy in China, 14-91, 

passim 
Great Liau, the, 276 
Great Wall of China, the, 22, 46, 

79, 271, 273, 274, 284, 290 
Greece, 131 
Greeks, the, 128 
Gribsky, Lieutenant General, 46, 

Gundan, the, 236 
Gunjai Imperial Rescript, the, 
124 



Hagiwara, Mr., 88 
Hague, The, 329 



Hague Conference, the, 317, 332 

Hama, 256 

Han dynasty, the, 274, 282, 293 

Hanotaux, M., '^^ 

Harai, 199 

Hara-Kiri, 109, 163, 165, 168, 

170 
Hara Saihin, 155 
Harbin, 14, 65, 84, 282 
Hardinge, Sir Charles, 55 
Harima, 321 
Harma, the, 109 
Hay, Secretary, 73, 74 
Hayashi, Viscount, no 
Hearn, Lafcadio, 116 
Hei, 188, 190 
Hei Naishi-no-suke, 212 
Hei-Lung-Chiang, 18, 21, 78, 'S>6 
Heian, 210, 213, 229, 230, 234 
Hei-naishi, 213 
Hetta, 4 

Hia, empire of, 277 
Hideyoshi, 278 
Hieuntsang, 191 
Higashiyama, 219 
Highlands, the, 225 
Himalayas, the, 289 
Himeji, 321, 322 
Hindhead, 225 
Hindoos, the, 130, 131 
Hioye, Lord, 213 
Hioye-no-Meifu, 212 
Hirado, 117 
Hitotsubashi, 243 
Hogen Monogatari, the, i68w 
Hokkaido, 13 
Ho-koka, 127 
Hokusai, 219 
Hong-Kong, 305 
Hope, Sir James, 14 
Horai, Mount, 216 
Hsi-An-Fu, 71 
Hsin-Mintsun, 7^, 
Hsuan-tsung, 287 
Hung-nu, 274 
Huns, the, 274, 286, 282 



Idzm, 4 
lU, 68 
Ilinsky, 46 



349 



INDEX 



Imperial Asiatic and Quarterly 

Review, the, 13 
Imperial Educational Rescript, 

the, 194 
Independent Review, the, ig$n 
India, 131, 177, 191, 286, 295; 

British, 305, 306, 307 ; British 

residents in native states of, 

18 ; Dutch, 305 ; French 

305, 306, 307, 309. 
Indo-China, Franco- Japanese 

policy in, 298-3 1 1 
Ino-Chiukei, 109 
Inouye, Count, no 
Ise, the, 202 
Ishe, 213, 214 
Ishin, 200, 239, 246 
Iswolsky, 66, 70, 71 
Italy, 62 

Ito, Marquis, no, 167 
Iwakura, Prince, 249, 250, 254 
lyesato, 254, 255 
lyeyasu, 243 

Japan, passim 

Japan by the Japanese, 17 iw, 

2oSn 
Japanese Diet, the, 300, 301 
Jen Cheng, 290 
Jesuits, the, 342 
Jigoku, 302 
Jijiu-no-Naishi, 212 
Joi, 240 

Jonson, Ben, 50 
Joruri-bon, the, 234, 235, 236 
Journal de St, Petersbourg, the, 

73 
Journal Official, the, yy 
Jusha, the, 196 

Kai-chau, 38 

Kaiko, 239, 240 

Kaikoku, 240 

Kaikoku-Heidan, 108 

Kaiku-li, 282 

Kakuya, 212 

Kamakura, 134, 193, 216, 217, 

236 
Kamei Shokin, 1 5 5 
Kamimura, 315 
Kan-h, 28 



Kau-li dynasty of Korea, the, 280 

Kana, Mr., no 

Kanagawa, no 

Kanaoka, 210 

Kaneko, 315 

Kanin, Princess, 162 

Kano, 219 

Kansu, 271 

Kari, 244 

Karma, 203 

Kashgar, 68 

Kataoka, Mr., 9 

Kato, Mr., 66, 70, 71 

Katsu, Count, no 

Katsura, General Count, 10, 299, 

300 
Kau-ku-li, 280, 281 
Kawamura, 315 
Keiki, 243, 244, 254, 255 
Kelung, 300, 301 
Khotea, 68 
Ki family, the, 280 
Kiao-Chau, 16 
Kido, Marquis, 167 
Kikuchi, Baron, no 
Kimmochi, 214 
Kimura, no 
Kin, dynasty, the, 136, 277, 278, 

283 
Kinchau, 68 ; battle of, 236 
Kinchow, 100, 1 01 
Kinder, Mr. Claude W., 53, 55 
Kinno, 239, 250 
Kiogen, 232, 233 
Kiokwai, the, 201 
Kioto, 161, 188, 209, 210, 216, 

217, 230, 240, 241, 248, 321 
Kirin, Province of, 18, 21, 78, 86 
Kitabatake Chikafusa, 186 
Kitaiski, 276 
Kitsu, 279, 280 
Kittar dynasty, the, 276 
Kiu-lien-cheng, 281 
Kiushiu, 280, 315 
Kobe, 161 
Kobu, 241 

Kobu-gattai, 239, 241 
Kodama, Baron, 299, 300, 301 
Koizumi Yakumo, 116 
Kokiden, 212 
Kokiden, Lady, 214 



350 



INDEX 



Kokonor, 275 

Kokusenya, 278 

Kokwan, 220 

Komo-Zatsuwa, 108 

Komura, Baron, 26-33, 93-9^' 

315 
Konoploff, High Priest, 46 

Korea, 5 ; Japanese policy in, 
14-35, 36-101, 177, 245, 275, 
278, 279-283, 293, 298, 302- 
306, 331, 333-335 

Korin, 220 

Korostovitch, General, 6$ 

Koseki, Sanyei, 109, 167 

Koshe-no-omi, 213 

Kowsching, the, 333, 334 

Kublaikhan, 277, 288 

Kur.amochi, Prince, 213 

Kurile Islands, the, 13 

Kurino, Mr., 26-33, 93-9^ 

Kuroki, General, 315 

Kuropatkin, 80, 84, 325 

Kuruhara Rioza, 167 

Kusazoshi, 234 

Kwan Tung territory, the, 85 

Kwanin, 190 

Kwannon, 190 

Kwanto, 186, 188 

Kwanting Peninsula, the, T,y, 3Z, 

39 
Kwotei, 248 

La Revue, 2gSn, 317W 
Lamaism, 278, 288, 289 
Lamsdorff, Count, 19, 25-32, 44- 

71, 80, Ss, 84, 93-98 
Lansdowne, Marquis of, 21, 23, 

24, 26, 56, 66, 72, 79, 89, 85 
Le Memorial Diplomatique, 329 
Lespedeza, 238 
Lessar, M., 84 
Liao dynasty, the, 126 
Liao River, the, 78, 81 
Liao-che, 21 
Liaotung peninsula, the, 15, 36, 

37,68 
Liaoyang, 300, 323, 282 
Lian, 283 

Liau dynasty, the, 276, 277, 278 
Liau River,, the, 276, 280, 283 
Liautung, 276 



Liautung Bay, 283 

Liautung peninsula, the, 279 

Li-Hung-Chang, 59, 60, 64, 77 

Linevitch, 57 

Liuchiu, 156 

London, 72, 130, 222, 237, 322, 

3^3, 343 
Lopatka, Cape, 1 3 
Louchou, 172, 179 
Lowther, 5 

MacCaul, Mrs., 135 

Macdonald, Sir Claude, 24, 45, 

6y, 72, 228 
Macdonnell, Sir John, 92, 93, 100 
Machich, 282 
Mackey Treaty, the, 86 
Maguire, Dr., 144W 
Makura-no-soshi, 215, 230 
Makurano-soshi, 155, 230 
Malay peninsula, the, 289 
Manchu territory, the, 51 
Manchuria, passim ; Manchuria 

Agreement, the, 64, 72 ; Man- 

churian Convention, the, 72, 

74 ; Manchurian Railway 

Agreement, the, 68 
Manyoshiu, 229 
Maritana, 169 
Marugame, 321, 324 
Masampho, 16 
Masanoba, 217 
Matsiu, Mr., 40 
Matsuyama, 321, 322 
Matureef, Dr., 326 
Meiji, the, 119; era of, 200, 220, 

221, 238, 245, 246, 248, 300 
Mencius, 185 
Mergen, 85 
Mesopotamia, 270 
Messager Officiel, the, 52 
Meyer, Messrs., 57 
Michi-kaje, 213 
Mikado, the, 248, 343 
Military Education, 148 
Ming dynasty, the, 278 
Mito, Prince of, 343 
Mitsukuri, Mr., 107, 108 
Mitsukuri, Professor, 107 
Mongolia, 68, 80, 81, 271, 277, 

278, 285, 288, 289 



351 



INDEX 



Mongols, the, 128 

Mongoria, 155 

Mononofu, 186 

Mononofuno-michi, 186 

Mormons in Japan, 9 

Morse, 38 

Motonobu, 217, 219 

" Mountains and Mankind," 224 

Mouravieff, Count, 39, 46 

Mukden, 17, 18, 21, 22, 24, 52, 

65, 67, 82, 83, 86, 87, 325 ; 

battle of, 236 ; province of, 

y^, 79 ; Russian Resident at, 

18 
Mung-tien, 273 
Murasaki Shikibu, 155 
Murata, no 
Mutsuhito, Emperor of Japan, 

248 

Nagai Uta, 167, 168 

Nagasaki, 105, 107, 108, 109, 

116, 117, 167, 333 
Nagoya, 161 
Niakwa-Senyo, the, 109 
Nanking, 278 
Nanshan, battle of, 236 
Napoleon I, 144, 218 
Napoleon III, 244 
Nara, 209, 210, 218, 222, 229 
Narihira, 213 
National Service Journal, the, 

144W 
Negishi, 252 
Negotiations between Japan and 

Russia, 1903-1904, the, 13 
Newchwang, 18, 21, 22, 23, 46- 

2>6 passim 
New Testament, the, 181 
New Treatise on Anatomy, the, 

108 
New York, Central Park of, 227 
New York Steamship Company, 

the, 114 
Newton, Lord, 144W 
Nijio, 212 
Nile, the, 270 
Nineteenth Century and After, 

The, g2n, iign, i6^n, 257^ 
Ninjio-bon, 234 
Niphon, 321 



Nirvana, 204 

Nirvana of Shakyamune, the, 204 

No, the, 232, 233 

Nobuzane, 210 

Nogi, General, 137 

Novoye Vremya, the, 38, 46 

Nozu, 318 

Nuchen, 283 

Nuchih, 283 

Oda, 218 

Oda Toyotomi, 218, 232 

Odoh, 278 

Official Messenger, the, 19, 69 

Ogawa, 315 

Oku, 315 

Oliphant, Mr., 14 

Onon, the, 277, 344 

Ornamental Art of Japan, The, 

210 
Osaka, 166 
Osako, 161 
O-shio-Kun, 212 
Otsuki Gentaku, 108, 109 
Outlook, The, 223^, 312W 
Oyama, Marchioness, 156 
Oyama, Marshal Marquis, 156, 

315 

Paris, III, 222, 227, 301, 317W 

Parker, Miss, 162 

Parkes, Lady, 227 

Parkes, Sir Harry, 5, 227, 245 

Pechili, Gulf of, ■^j, 39 

Pechili, province of, 19, 2>7^ 39» 

47, 56, 57,71,79,276 
Peiho, the, 57 
Peking, 6, 25, 34, 2>7y 42-85 

passim, 256, 271, 278 
Peking Agreement, the, 38 
Peking Protocol, the, 20, 71, 72, 

83 
Peking Relief Expedition, the, 

16, 46 
Persians, the, 287 
Petropavlosk, capture of, 4 
Philippine Islands, the, 305 
Pictorial Arts of Japan, the, 209 
Pingyang, 29, 280, 281 
Plan9on, M., 81, 82, 83 
Plato, 195 



352 



INDEX 



Platonic School, the, 119 

Plum, Lady, 211 

Pohai, 282 

Pohai Bay, 283 

Police and Prison College, the, 

Poppe, M., 57, 59 

Posadnik, the, 14 

Port Arthur, 6, 14, 16, 28, 36-39, 
53. 55. 58, 65, 68, 80, 81, 85, 
99, 100, 129, 189, 236, 329, 

331. 332 
Port Hamilton, v. Port Lazareff. 
Port Lazareff, 5, 14, 29 
Port Nicholas, 83 
Portuguese, the, 105 



Rangaku-Kaitei, 108 

Raphael, 218 

Red Cross Society of Japan, the, 

8, 320 
Redesdale, Lord, 343 
Reichstag, the, 77 
Revue Russ, the, 329 
Rin-Shihei, 108 
Rockhill, Mr., y6 
Rome, 131, 286 
Ronins, the, 166, 238 
Rosen, Baron, 28-31, 93, 98 
Russia, no, 253, 277, 296, 301, 

303^ 309, 310. 313. 314. 323. 
330-33^ ; policy in China, 
13-101 passim ; relations with 
Great Britain and Japan, ^-y 

Russo-Chinese Bank, the, 23, y6, 
78, 80, 86 

Russo-Chinese Convention, the, 
66 

Russo-French Memorandum, the 

73.74 
Russo-Japanese War, The, 317 



Sabaku, 239, 240 
Saghalien, 13 
Saigo, 254 

Saigo Takamori, 145 
St. Cloud, 225 



St. Petersburg, 20, 24, 26, 29, 
30. 33^ 37, 52, 56, 60, 66, 69, 
70, 72, 74, 77, 81, 83, 93, 299, 

325. 332 
Sakai, 166 
Sakalin, 46, 52 
Sako, 240 
Sakoku, 239, 240 
Salisbury, Marquis of, 40-43, 

48,55,62,70 
Salvation Army in Japan, the, 9 
Sameshima, in 
Samurai, the, 135, 136, 164-166, 

168, 170, 186, 192, 231 
San Francisco, no 
Sanetomo, 193 
Sanjio, Prince, 249, 250, 254 
Sanraku, 218 
Sasebo, 33^333 
Satow, Sir Ernest, 5, 67, 186 
Satsuma, no, in, 145 
Satsumo revolution, the, 254 
Scott, Sir Charles, 19, 47, 50, 51 
Seishonagon, 155 
Seladon, apples of the, 57 
Semitic religious notions, the, 

131 
Sendaihagi, 238 
Sendai, 238 
Seoul, 14, 15, 38, 88 
Sessiu, 217, 218, 219 
Sesson, 217 
Seymour, Admiral, 41 
Shakespeare, 234, 237 
Shanghai, 86 
Shanhai-Kwan, 21. 27, 55, 56, 

58, 60, 78 
Shanhai-Kwan Railway, the, 52, 

53 
Shantung, 16 

Shiba-Kokan, 109 

Shiba, Lieutenant Colonel, 45 

Shigemosi, 185 

Shikoku, 231, 322 

Shimonoseki, 15, 107 

Shin Butsu, 190 

Shing King Province, the, 80 

Shinto, 282, 287 

Shintoism, 119, 138, 177-207, 

255 
Shio Sammi, 213 



353 



A A 



INDEX 



Shioshio-no-Meifu, 212 

Shogun, the, 5, 105, 107- no, 

117, 187, 193, 217, 239, 240, 

242-245, 251, 254 
Shushen, 283 

Siam, 159, 279, 287, 305, 306 
Siberia, 279, 282, 283, 285, 305 
Siebold, Herr Von, in 
Sin dynasty of China, the, 275, 

281, 293 
Sino-American Treaty, the, 87 
Sine- Japanese Treaty, the, 83 
Siubun, 217-219 
Singe tsu, 217 

Society of Arts, the, 177^ 
Socrates, 128, 195 
Sotan, 217, 219 
South West Province of China, 

the, 7^ 
Spanish, the, 105 
Sron-btsan-Sgampo, 275 
Sufu, Baron, no 
Sufu, Mr., no 

Sugawara Michizane, 199, 287 
Sugita Gempaku, 108 
Suma, 212, 215 
Sung dynasty, the, 217, 276, 277, 

289 
Sungari, the, 85 
Switzerland, 225 

Ta-Yang River, the, 38 

Tai-Shogun, the, 240 

Taikosama, 218 

Taira-no Kiyomori, 185 

Tajiks, the, 287 

Takano, 109 

Takano Choyei, 167 

Takasaki, Baron, 140 

Takasahi, Captain, 140 

Takeo Hirose, 129, 189 

Takushan, 2>^ 

Talien Wan, 16, 2)7 -^ 39 

Tamerlane, 294 

Tametomo, i6Sn, i6gn 

Tan period, the, 191 

T'ang dynasty, the, 275, 276, 281, 

286, 287, 293 
Tannu, 219 
Taotai, 8, 82, 86, 87 
Tarbagati, 68 



Tartar dynasty of Manchuria, 
the, 278 

Tatung River, the, 280 

Tatungkan, 24, 83, 8y 

Temmagu, 199 

Tenno Heika, 248 

Thang dynasty, the, 217 

Tibet, 271, 275, 278, 279, 287, 
288, 289 

Tientsin, 15, 46-61 passim, 171, 
83,86 

Times, the, 17, 69, 331, 343 

Timur, 294 

Ting, Admiral, 169 

Togo, Admiral, 4. 99. 3I5' 342 

Tokio, 24, 25, 28, 32, 40, 42-44, 
66, 70-72, 94, 107, n7, 143, 
158, 160-162, 171, 172, 175, 
222, 228, 231, 240, 300, 316, 

332, 2,Z?>, 343 
Tokio Jio-gakkwan, the, 160 
Tokugawa family, the, 109, 145, 

155, 196, 218, 231, 238, 239, 

243' 254 
Tokugawa Yoshimune, 105 
Tolstoi, Count, 46, 265 
Tongkin, 305, 310 
Tongking, 279, 289 
Tongku, s?)^ 54. 5^, 60 
Tong-shan, 58 
Tosa, 219 
Toshikag^, 213 
Tower, Mr., 75 
Toyotomi Hideyashi, 218 
Trans-Manchurian Railway, the, 

65 
Trans-Siberian Railway, the, 14, 

38,65 

Trans-Zeya, the, 51,52 

Treves, Sir Frederick, 343 

Tsar of Russia, the, 25, 28, 30, 

34, 83 
Tseng, General, 17, 65 
Tsing dynasty, the, 278 
Tsitsihar, 25, 85 
Tsunenori, 213 
Tsung-li Yamen, 2)7 
Tsurayuki, 213 
Tsushima, 14 ; battle of, 342 ; 

seizure of, 4 
Tu-Chueh, the, 275, 276 



354 



EC 1 6^943 



INDEX 



Tufans, 275, 287 
Tuku-Hun, the, 275 

Udagawa Genzai, 109 
Ukikoye, 219, 233 
Unyokan, the, 15 
Uraga, 167 
Uriu, Admiral, 156 
Utagawa Gensin, 109 
Utai, 232 

Variag, the, 332 
Versailles, 225 
Vesfnik, the, 325 
Vladivostock, 14, 65, 99, 100 

Wafangu, loi 

Waldersee, Count von, 47, 54, 

55. 60, 61 
Wang-An-Shi, 289 
Washington, 21, 74 
Watanabe Kwazan, 109, 167 
Wei-Hai-Wei, 6, 36, 37, 39, 69 
Westminstev Gazette, the, 144W 
Whitehead, Mr., 41, 42 
Wieney Tagehlatt, the, lo^n, ii2n 
Wistaria, Princess, 215 
Witte, M., 38 
Wogack, General, 60, 61 



Yalu River, the, 24, 25, 28, 29, 

38 ; battle of, 236, 317 
Yamamoto, 315 

" Yang-tse Convention," the, 77 
Yang-tse River, the, 77, 271, 272 
Yang-tse Valley, the, 84 
Yang-tsun, 54, 56 
Yarkand, 68 
Yasui, Miss, 159 
Yeawase, 211 

Yedo (Tokio), 107, 231, 240, 241 
Yeitoku, 218 

Yellow Peril, the, 292, 336-338 
Yema Saiko, 155 
Yengi, Emperor, 214 
Yenomoto, Viscount, no 
Yeso, 13 
Yezo, 156, 172 
Yi-ju, 38 

Ying-Kow, 52, 55, 280, 282 
Yokioku, 232 
Yokohama, 161, 252 
Yongampho, 25, 82, 88 
Yoritomo, 187, 190, 217 
Yo-sute-bito, 198 
Yuen dynasty, the, 126, 277 
Yumi-ya-no-michi, 187 

Zen, the, 190, 191 
Ziusha, 231 



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